Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media is a 1988 book by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, in which the authors propose that the mass communication media of the U.S. “are effective and powerful ideological institutions that carry out a system-supportive propaganda function, by reliance on market forces, internalized assumptions, and self-censorship, and without overt coercion”, by means of the propaganda model of communication. The title derives from the phrase “the manufacture of consent,” employed in the book Public Opinion (1922), by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974).
The book was revised 20 years after its first publication to take account of developments such as the fall of the Soviet Union. There has been debate about how the Internet has changed the public´s access to information since 1988.
“Pantheon books, 1988 the mass media serve as a system for communicating messages and symbols to the general populace. it is their function to amuse, entertain, and inform, and to inculcate individuals with the values, beliefs, and codes of behavior that will integrate them into the institutional structures of the larger society. in a world of concentrated wealth and major conflicts of class interest, to fulfill this role requires systematic propaganda. in countries where the levers of power are in the hands of a state bureaucracy, the monopolistic control over the media, often supplemented by official censorship, makes it clear that the media serve the ends of dominant elite. it is much more difficult to see a propaganda system at work where the media are private and formal censorship is absent. this is especially true where the media actively compete, periodically attack and expose corporate and governmental malfeasance, and aggressively portray themselves as spokesmen for free speech and the general community interest. what is not evident (and remains undiscussed in the media) is the limited nature of such critiques, as well as the huge inequality in command of resources, and its effect both on access to a private media system and on its behavior and performance. a propaganda model focuses on this inequality of wealth and power and its multilevel effects on mass-media interests and choices. it traces the routes by which money and power are able to filter out the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the government and dominant private interests to get their messages across to the public. the essential ingredients of our propaganda model, or set of news ‘filters,’ fall under the following headings: (i) the size, concentrated ownership, owner wealth, and profit orientation of the dominant mass-media firms; (~) advertising as the primary income source of the mass media; (3) the reliance of the media on information provided by government, business, and ‘experts’ funded and approved by these primary sources and agents of power; (4) ‘flak’ as a means of disciplining the media; and (5) ‘anticommunism’ as a national religion and control mechanism. these elements interact with and reinforce one another. the raw material of news must pass through successive filters, leaving only the cleansed residue fit to print. they fix the premises of discourse and interpretation, and the definition of what is newsworthy in the first place, and they explain the …”
Herman, E. S., & Herman, Edward S.; Chomsky, N.. (1988). Manufacturing Consent. News: A Reader
“An absolutely brilliant analysis of the ways in which individuals and organizations of the media are influenced to shape the social agendas of knowledge and, therefore, belief. contrary to the popular conception of members of the press as hard-bitten realists doggedly pursuing unpopular truths, herman and chomsky prove conclusively that the free-market economics model of media leads inevitably to normative and narrow reporting. whether or not you’ve seen the eye-opening movie, buy this book, and you will be a far more knowledgeable person and much less prone to having your beliefs manipulated as easily as the press.”
Comeforo, K.. (2010). Manufacturing consent: The political economy of the mass media. Global Media and Communication
“Since the 1930s, industrial sociologists have tried to answer the question, why do workers not work harder? michael burawoy spent ten months as a machine operator in a chicago factory trying to answer different but equally important questions: why do workers work as hard as they do? why do workers routinely consent to their own exploitation? manufacturing consent, the result of burawoy’s research, combines rich ethnographical description with an original marxist theory of the capitalist labor process. manufacturing consent is unique among studies of this kind because burawoy has been able to analyze his own experiences in relation to those of donald roy, who studied the same factory thirty years earlier. burawoy traces the technical, political, and ideological changes in factory life to the transformations of the market relations of the plant (it is now part of a multinational corporation) and to broader movements, since world war ii, in industrial relations.”
Borkar, V. S., Karnik, A., Nair, J., & Nalli, S.. (2015). Manufacturing Consent. IEEE Transactions on Automatic Control
“An absolutely brilliant analysis of the ways in which individuals and organizations of the media are influenced to shape the social agendas of knowledge and, therefore, belief. contrary to the popular conception of members of the press as hard-bitten realists doggedly pursuing unpopular truths, herman and chomsky prove conclusively that the free-market economics model of media leads inevitably to normative and narrow reporting. whether or not you’ve seen the eye-opening movie, buy this book, and you will be a far more knowledgeable person and much less prone to having your beliefs manipulated as easily as the press.”
Chomsky, E. I. A. S. O. I. I.. (1992). Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media. East
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“Explores the political life and times of the controversial author, linguist and radical philosopher, noam chomsky. highlighting his analysis of media, chomsky focuses on democratic societies where populations not disciplined by force are subject to more subtle forms of ideological control.”
Han, R.. (2015). Manufacturing Consent in Cyberspace :. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
“Studies on public expression in china tend to focus on how the state and internet users (netizens) struggle over the limits of online expression. few have systematically traced discourse competition within state-imposed boundaries, particularly how the authoritarian state has adapted to manage, rather than censor, online expression. this paper explores and evaluates the state’s attempts to manipulate online expression without resorting to censorship and coercion by examining the role of internet commentators, known as the ‘fifty-cent army’, in chinese cyberspace. to cope with the challenge of online expression, the authoritarian state has mobilized its agents to engage anonymously in online discussions and produce apparently spontaneous pro-regime commentary. however, due to a lack of proper motivation and the persistence of old propaganda logic, this seemingly smart adaptation has proven ineffective or even counter-productive: it not only decreases netizens’ trust in the state but also, ironically, suppresses the voices of regime supporters.”
Herman, E. S., & Chomsky, N.. (1988). Manufacturing Consent, A Propaganda Model. Manufacturing Consent
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“Pantheon books, 1988 the mass media serve as a system for communicating messages and symbols to the general populace. it is their function to amuse, entertain, and inform, and to inculcate individuals with the values, beliefs, and codes of behavior that will integrate them into the institutional structures of the larger society. in a world of concentrated wealth and major conflicts of class interest, to fulfill this role requires systematic propaganda. in countries where the levers of power are in the hands of a state bureaucracy, the monopolistic control over the media, often supplemented by official censorship, makes it clear that the media serve the ends of dominant elite. it is much more difficult to see a propaganda system at work where the media are private and formal censorship is absent. this is especially true where the media actively compete, periodically attack and expose corporate and governmental malfeasance, and aggressively portray themselves as spokesmen for free speech and the general community interest. what is not evident (and remains undiscussed in the media) is the limited nature of such critiques, as well as the huge inequality in command of resources, and its effect both on access to a private media system and on its behavior and performance. a propaganda model focuses on this inequality of wealth and power and its multilevel effects on mass-media interests and choices. it traces the routes by which money and power are able to filter out the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the government and dominant private interests to get their messages across to the public. the essential ingredients of our propaganda model, or set of news ‘filters,’ fall under the following headings: (i) the size, concentrated ownership, owner wealth, and profit orientation of the dominant mass-media firms; (~) advertising as the primary income source of the mass media; (3) the reliance of the media on information provided by government, business, and ‘experts’ funded and approved by these primary sources and agents of power; (4) ‘flak’ as a means of disciplining the media; and (5) ‘anticommunism’ as a national religion and control mechanism. these elements interact with and reinforce one another. the raw material of news must pass through successive filters, leaving only the cleansed residue fit to print. they fix the premises of discourse and interpretation, and the definition of what is newsworthy in the first place, and they explain the b…”
Burawoy, M.. (2012). Manufacturing Consent revisited. La Nouvelle Revue Du Travail
“Cet article présente rapidement manufacturing consent publié en 1979 dans lequel la direction d’Allis chalmer organisait la discipline du travail ouvrier par la coercition et par le consentement, en particulier à travers l’établissement des quotas de production qui fondait une sorte de jeu social entre ouvriers (the game of making out). l’auteur revient sur la méthode ethnographique utilisée alors pour la critiquer et il propose de la remplacer par « l’étude de cas élargie » (the extented case method) qui prend en compte le contexte du travail dont les trajectoires des acteurs, les transformations des marchés et du rôle de l’État, sans négliger les éléments spatio-temporels facteurs de changement. c’est l’occasion pour l’auteur de passer en revue les publications récentes qui ont élargi les objets de recherches à la question du genre, au travail domestique, aux travailleurs migrants, aux services, au syndicalisme, etc. l’article suggère que l’enjeu des luttes passerait de l’exploitation à la marchandisation (commodification) avec les luttes consuméristes qui l’accompagneraient ; lesquelles inaugureraient une nouvelle ère de mobilisations transnationales étendues à l’Europe de l’Est et à l’Asie. ce qui conduit l’auteur à reprendre les thèses de polanyi sur la grande transformation en les actualisant avec l’avènement présent d’une troisième vague ultra-libérale qui étend la marchandisation à la nature (terre, eau et air) et aux connaissances : les mouvements « d’occupation » (‘occupy’ movements) en seraient les premières ripostes.”
Impression management is a conscious or subconscious process in which people attempt to influence the perceptions of other people about a person, object or event. They do so…