Walter Lippmann was an American writer, reporter, and political commentator famous for being among the first to introduce the concept of Cold War, coining the term “stereotype” in the modern psychological meaning, and critiquing media and democracy in his newspaper column and several books, most notably his 1922 book Public Opinion.More at Wikipedia
“That the manufacture of consent is capable of great refinements no one, I think, denies. The process by which public opinions arise is certainly no less intricate than it has appeared in these pages, and the opportunities for manipulation open to anyone who understands the process are plain enough. . . . [a]s a result of psychological research, coupled with the modern means of communication, the practice of democracy has turned a corner. A revolution is taking place, infinitely more significant than any shifting of economic power…. Under the impact of propaganda, not necessarily in the sinister meaning of the word alone, the old constants of our thinking have become variables. It is no longer possible, for example, to believe in the original dogma of democracy; that the knowledge needed for the management of human affairs comes up spontaneously from the human heart. Where we act on that theory we expose ourselves to self-deception, and to forms of persuasion that we cannot verify. It has been demonstrated that we cannot rely upon intuition, conscience, or the accidents of casual opinion if we are to deal with the world beyond our reach. … The public must be put in its place, so that each of us may live free of the trampling and roar of a bewildered herd.” (Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion, Chapter XV)
Lippmann, W. (1920). Liberty and the News. Museum.
Lippmann, W. (1970). The Phantom Public. Politics.
Lippmann, W.. (1970). The Phantom Public. Politics
“In an era disgusted with politicians and the various instruments of ‘direct democracy,’ walter lippmann’s the phantom public remains as relevant as ever. it reveals lippmann at a time when he was most critical of the ills of american democracy. antipopulist in sentiment, this volume defends elitism as a serious and distinctive intellectual option, one with considerable precursors in the american past. lippmann’s demythologized view of the american system of government resonates today. the phantom public discusses the ‘disenchanted man’ who has become disillusioned not only with democracy, but also with reform. according to lippmann, the average voter is incapable of governance; what is called the public is merely a ‘phantom.’ in terms of policy-making, the distinction should not be experts versus amateurs, but insiders versus outsiders. lippmann challenges the core assumption of progressive politics as well as any theory that pretends to leave political decision making in the hands of the people as a whole. in his biography walter lippmann and the american century, ronald steel praised the phantom public as ‘one of lippmann’s most powerfully argued and revealing books. in it he came fully to terms with the inadequacy of traditional democratic theory.’ this volume is part of a continuing series on the major works of walter lippmann. as more and more americans are inclined to become apathetic to the political system, this classic will be essential reading for students, teachers, and researchers of political science and history.”
Schudson, M.. (2008). The “Lippmann-Dewey Debate” and the Invention of Walter Lippmann as an Anti-Democrat 1986–1996. International Journal of Communication
“The ‘lippmann-dewey debate’ became widely discussed in the 1980s and 1990s in u.s. media and communication studies, in large part through the influence of james carey. while carey’s initial writing on the lippmann-dewey exchange was insightful, by 1987, his characterization of the exchange seriously misread lippmann, and misdirected subsequent discussion. comparing carey’s remarks about lippmann, and similar remarks from other leading scholars influenced by carey’s reading, with what lippmann actually said, reveals that lippmann’s elitism did not make him anti-democratic but, instead, a subtle thinker concerned with how to integrate expertise into a functioning democracy. this article speculates why carey misinterpreted lippmann’s work, and concludes with what remains relevant in carey’s argument.”
Obar, J. A.. (2013). Big Data and The Phantom Public: Walter Lippmann and the Fallacy of Data Privacy Self-Management. SSRN
“In 1927, walter lippmann published the phantom public, arguing for what he referred to as the fallacy of democracy. he wrote, ‘i have not happened to meet anybody, from a president of the united states to a professor of political science, who came anywhere near to embodying the accepted ideal of the sovereign and omnicompetent citizen’ (lippmann, 1927, 11). repurposing lippmann, this paper argues that recent calls for individuals to have control over their big data by the federal trade commission, the white house and the u.s. congress present a comparable fallacy of data privacy self-management. had we the faculties and the system for self-management, the digital citizen has little time for data governance. this challenge should be seen as an extension of a longstanding self-governance debate, exemplified by the works of john dewey and walter lippmann. both framed their arguments in opposition to a system struggling to find an autonomous and efficacious role for the citizen. in the current context, lippmann’s pragmatism does more to champion citizen empowerment than dewey’s call for direct participation, by calling attention to the impracticality of data privacy self-management. if it is true that the fallacy of democracy is similar to the fallacy of data privacy self-management, then perhaps the pragmatic solution is representative data management; a combination of non/for-profit digital dossier management via infomediaries that can ensure the protection of personal data, while freeing individuals from what lippmann referred to as an ‘unattainable ideal.’”
Bybee, C.. (1999). Can Democracy Survive in the Post-Factual Age?: A Return to the Lippmann-Dewey Debate about the Politics of News. Journalism and Communication Monographs
“The political coverage of news is examined by focusing on a debate between social commentator and journalist walter lippmann and philosopher john dewey. the conflicts between scientism, news and democracy that dewey began to reveal have not gone away, but only continue to resurface in different forms.”
Lippmann, W.. (1987). The Cold War. Foreign Affairs
“BACKGROUND: heavy alcohol use as well as alcohol dependence (ad) have been associated with dysregulation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (hpa)-axis and the autonomic nervous system (ans). however, the relative contribution of alcohol use and ad is unclear. methods: baseline data were derived from 2947 persons of the netherlands study of depression and anxiety (nesda), including non-drinkers (n=498), moderate drinkers (n=2112) and heavy drinkers (n=337). we also distinguished between persons with no lifetime dsm-iv ad (n=2496), remitted ad (> 1 year; n = 243), and current ad (</= 1 year; n=208). ans measures included ecg-based heart rate (hr), respiratory sinus arrhythmia (rsa, high rsa reflecting high cardiac parasympathetic control) and pre-ejection period (pep, high pep reflecting low cardiac sympathetic control). hpa-axis measures included the cortisol awakening response (area under the curve with respect to the ground [aucg] and increase [auci]), evening cortisol and a 0.5mg dexamethasone suppression test, all measured in saliva. results: heavy drinkers showed higher basal cortisol levels (aucg: p=.02; evening cortisol: p=.006) and increased cardiac sympathetic control (higher hr: p=.04; lower pep: p=.04) compared to moderate drinkers. persons with current or remitted ad did not differ from persons without lifetime ad on any of the hpa-axis or ans indicators (all p>.33). similar patterns of hpa-axis and ans activity across alcohol use groups were found in persons with and without lifetime ad. conclusions: our findings suggest that current heavy alcohol use, rather than current or remitted ad, is associated with hyperactivity of the hpa-axis and increased cardiac sympathetic control”
Lippmann, W.. (1955). Essays in the Public Philosophy. Mentor books
“Publisher’s description: freedom demands responsibility. in this cogent, penetrating analysis of the changing state of western democracies, walter lippmann, dean of political news columnists, presents a lucid, balanced summary of the crucial decisions facing every thoughtful 20th century citizen. he urges free men everywhere to take a lively, responsible interest in their government in order to preserve their liberties and defend themselves against totalitarianism.”
Lippmann, W.. (1920). Liberty and the News. Museum
“Predicting the binding mode of flexible polypeptides to proteins is an important task that falls outside the domain of applicability of most small molecule and protein−protein docking tools. here, we test the small molecule flexible ligand docking program glide on a set of 19 non-α-helical peptides and systematically improve pose prediction accuracy by enhancing glide sampling for flexible polypeptides. in addition, scoring of the poses was improved by post-processing with physics-based implicit solvent mm- gbsa calculations. using the best rmsd among the top 10 scoring poses as a metric, the success rate (rmsd ≤ 2.0 å for the interface backbone atoms) increased from 21% with default glide sp settings to 58% with the enhanced peptide sampling and scoring protocol in the case of redocking to the native protein structure. this approaches the accuracy of the recently developed rosetta flexpepdock method (63% success for these 19 peptides) while being over 100 times faster. cross-docking was performed for a subset of cases where an unbound receptor structure was available, and in that case, 40% of peptides were docked successfully. we analyze the results and find that the optimized polypeptide protocol is most accurate for extended peptides of limited size and number of formal charges, defining a domain of applicability for this approach.”
Newman, L. S.. (2009). WAS WALTER LIPPMANN INTERESTED IN STEREOTYPING?: Public Opinion and Cognitive Social Psychology. History of Psychology
“Walter lippmann’s public opinion is much cited but little read. a review of references to public opinion by social psychologists over the last 20 years reveals the widespread beliefs that (1) the book focuses primarily on group stereotypes and prejudice, and (2) the concept of stereotyping originated with lippmann. however, stereotypes, as currently conceived–as opposed to schemata more generally–do not play a central role in the book, and lippmann did not introduce the concept (although he may have broadened it). in addition, throughout his long and distinguished career, he showed little interest in stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination. nonetheless, public opinion is a seminal work in the area of cognitive social psychology and (like other little read citation classics) still deserves to be read-including, ironically, by students of stereotyping and prejudice.”
“A seminal work on how public opinion is created and shaped, edward bernays’s 1923 classic crystallizing public opinion set down the principles that corporations and government have used to influence public attitudes over the past century.a primer on the then new profession of ‘public relations counsel,’ crystallizing elucidates the ‘instruments and techniques’ that pr professionals use to mold public opinion on behalf of their client’s interests. by adapting the ideas that bernays put forth in this book, governments and advertisers have been able to ‘regiment the mind like the military regiments the body.’the first ever book ever written about the public relations industry, this all-new edition of crystallizing public opinion features an introduction by stuart ewen, author of pr! a social history of spin, all consuming images: on the politics of style in contemporary culture, and captains of consciousness: advertising and the social roots of the consumer culture.”
Bernays, E. L.. (1947). The Engineering of Consent. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science
“FREEDOM of speech and its democratic corollary, a free press, have tacitly expanded our bill of rights to include the right of persuasion. this development was an inevitable result of the expansion of the media of free speech and persuasion, denned in other articles in this volume. all these media provide open doors to the public mind. any one of us through these media may influence the attitudes and actions of our fellow citizens. the tremendous expansion of communications in the united states has given this nation the world’s most penetrating and effective apparatus for the transmission of ideas. every resident is constantly exposed to the impact of our vast network of communications which reach every corner of the country, no matter how remote or isolated. words hammer continually at the eyes and ears of america. the united states has become a small room in which a single whisper is magnified thousands of times. knowledge of how to use this enormous amplifying system becomes a matter of primary concern to those who are interested in socially constructive action. there are two main divisions of this communications system which maintain social cohesion. on the first level there are the commercial media. almost 1,800 daily newspapers in the united states have a combined circulation of around 44,000,000. there are approximately 10,000 weekly newspapers and almost 6,000 magazines. approximately 2,000 radio stations of various types broadcast to the nation’s 60,000,000 receiving sets. approximately 16,500 motion picture houses have a capacity of almost 10,500,000. a deluge of books and pamphlets is published annually. the country is blanketed with billboards, handbills, throwaways, and direct mail advertising. round tables, panels and forums, classrooms and legislative assemblies, and public platforms—any and all media, day after day, spread the word, someone’s word. on the second level there are the specialized media owned and operated by the many organized groups in this country. almost all such groups (and many of their subdivisions) have their own communications systems. they disseminate ideas not only by means of the formal written word in labor papers, house organs, special bulletins, and the like, but also through lectures, meetings, discussions, and rank-and-file conversations.”
Jansen, S. C.. (2013). Semantic Tyranny: How Edward L. Bernays Stole Walter Lippmann’s Mojo and Got Away With It and Why It Still Matters. International Journal of Communication
“The history of public relations has recently attracted the interest of critical media scholars. edward l. bernays, the author of several pioneering pr books, has profoundly influenced how critical scholars have conceived of public relations. bernays deceptively claimed that walter lippmann provided the theory and that he provided the practice, creating the false impression that lippmann was an apologist for pr. lippmann actually denounced government and corporate publicity agents as propagandists and censors. yet critical pr scholarship has uncritically accepted and amplified bernays’ misrepresentation. this article seeks to correct this error by comparing the key texts: lippmann’s public opinion (1922) and bernays’ crystallizing public opinion (1923).”
Hogan, J. M., & Cutlip, S. M.. (1996). The Unseen Power: Public Relations; A History.. The American Historical Review
“Pt. i. the seedbed years of counseling, 1900-1919. 1. the nation’s first publicity agency. 2. the first washington agencies. 3. first parker and lee, then lee, harris, and lee. 4. the hamilton wright organization — the first international agency. 5. pendleton dudley starts fifth agency in 1909 — pt. ii. public relations booms in the booming twenties, 1919-1930. 6. ivy lee returns to new york; joined by t.j. ross. 7. edward l. bernays: pioneer, philosopher, centenarian. 8. bernays: the counselor and his genius and his role in the profession. 9. john price jones tries to ride two horses. 10. steve hannagan: super press agent. 11. harry bruno: aviation and public relations pioneer. 12. william h. baldwin: counselor and citizen. 13. ben sonnenberg: sui generis. 14. clarke and tyler: builders of the ku klux klan. 15. john w. hill: builder of an enduring legacy. 16. john hill’s two major battles: steel and tobacco — and the person — pt. iii. the depression and the years beyond.”
L’Etang, J.. (1999). The father of spin: Edward L. Bernays and the birth of public relations. Public Relations Review
“The father of spin is the first full-length biography of the legendary edward l. bernays, who, beginning in the 1920s, was one of the first and most successful practitioners of the art of public relations. this book tells of bernays’s great campaigns, including:. his precedent-setting work for the american tobacco company, climaxed by a parade of cigarette-smoking debutantes down fifth avenue on easter sunday that recast smoking as an act of liberation for women, helped convince a generation of women to light up, and made headlines from coast to coast. he transformed the color green into an american favorite to blend in with the green of the lucky strike package, and he convinced weight-conscious women that a cigarette was just the thing to substitute for a sweet. and he did it all without anyone knowing his client was behind it. how he and his client the united fruit company helped engineer the overthrow of the socialist regime in guatemala in the 195os. how he borrowed ideas from his uncle sigmund freud to push people to buy products they didn’t need and to shape the way they perceived issues and the very way they believed. and what bernays did for tobacco and fruit peddlers, he also did for politicians, including calvin coolidge and herbert hoover.”
Bernays, E. L.. (1928). Manipulating Public Opinion: The Why and The How. American Journal of Sociology
“Public opinion, narrowly defined, is the thought of a society at a given time to-ward a given object; broadly conceived, it is the power of the group to sway the larger public in its attitude. public opinion can be manipulated, but in teaching the public how to ask for what it wants the manipulator is safeguarding the public against his own possible aggressiveness. the method of the experimental psycholo-gist is not as effective in the study of public opinion in the broad sense as is that of introspective psychology. to create and to change public opinion it-is necessary to understand human motives, to know what special interests are represented by a given population, and to realize the function and limitations of the physical organs of ap-proach to the public, such as the radio, the platform, the movie, the letter, the news-paper, etc. if the general principles of swaying public opinion are understood, a technique can be developed which, with the correct appraisal of the specific problem and the specific audience, can and has been used effectively in such widely different situations as changing the attitude of whites toward negroes in america, changing the buying habits of american women from felt hats to velvet, silk, and straw hats,”
Bernays, E. L.. (1935). Molding Public Opinion. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science
“ Bernays, an early pioneer of public relations and a nephew by marriage to sigmund freud, discusses his ideas about using modern media to influence public opinion.”
García, C.. (2015). Searching for Benedict de Spinoza in the history of communication: His influence on Walter Lippmann and Edward Bernays. Public Relations Review
“Some ideas crucial for the development of communication as a field are both contemporary and also based on classical philosophical thinking. an example of this is philosopher benedict of spinoza’s ideas on the power of images and the importance of emotions to explain human behavior. this article delves into how spinoza’s ideas have been transmitted to classic public relations authors such as walter lippmann and edward bernays through the works of their masters and their mentors: george santayana, who was one of lippmann’s philosophy professors at harvard, and sigmund freud, an uncle of bernays whose psychoanalysis theory shaped bernays’ approach to persuasion. in contrast to these public relations masters of persuasion who had a pessimistic view of the human condition, spinoza’s ethics is based on a positive anthropology of man that squares well with contemporary and more ethical relationship-building approaches to public relations.”
Bernays, E. L.. (1942). The Marketing of National Policies: A Study of War Propaganda. Journal of Marketing
“During the great war, the nations realized the necessity of selling their national aims and policies. they had special marketing problems. the attitudes and actions of their own people, of neutrals and of enemies towards them, depended to a great extent on how effectively they ‘sold’ themselves.”
Bernays, E. L.. (1971). Emergence of the Public Relations Counsel: Principles and Recollections. Business History Review
“Edward l. bernays was a pioneer in the development of public relations in modern america. for more than half a century he has advised a wide range of institutions, including government, corporations, trade associations, and many private organizations. in this memoir he gives his views of the proper role, methods, and principles of public relations and recalls some of his early experiences with businessmen and other clients.”
Alarcón Coka, D.. (2012). Edward Bernays, psicología de Sigmund Freud aplicada a la mente del consumidor. Biblioteca Repositrio Universal
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“Edward louis bernays nació el 22 de noviembre de 1891, en vienna, austria y muere el 9 de marzo de 1995, en massachusets, eeuu. ya que nació en una familia judía bernays vivió a partir de su primer año de vida en nueva york, eeuu. su padre era un comerciante exitoso y su madre era anna freud, hermana de sigmund freud. una vez graduado del colegio, bernays entró a la universidad de cornell donde obtuvo su título en agricultura, en 1912. aunque él estudió agricultura solo para complacer a su padre, bernays tenía una pasión que difiere con el tema.”
Fröhlich, R.. (2015). Zur Problematik der PR-Definition(en). In Handbuch der Public Relations
“Der begriff › public relations ‹ (pr) wurde wohl 1882 zum ersten mal verwendet (vgl. z. b. grunig & hunt 1984: 14). der amerikanische pr-pionier edward l. bernays hat ihn wesentlich verbreitet und › gesellschaftsfähig ‹ gemacht. in deutschland beanspruchte albert oeckl öffentlich für sich, die übersetzung › öffentlichkeitsarbeit ‹ (öa) für den amerikanischen begriff › public relations ‹ in deutschland eingeführt zu haben, was mittlerweile aber als widerlegt gilt: der deutsche begriff › öffentlichkeitsarbeit ‹ wurde spätestens 1917 von august hinderer und ferdinand katsch im kontext der damaligen diskussion der evangelischen pressverbände durchaus im sinne des heutigen verständnisses einschlägig gebraucht (liebert 2003).”
Bernays, E. L.. (1975). Social responsibility of business. Public Relations Review
“Predicting the binding mode of flexible polypeptides to proteins is an important task that falls outside the domain of applicability of most small molecule and protein−protein docking tools. here, we test the small molecule flexible ligand docking program glide on a set of 19 non-α-helical peptides and systematically improve pose prediction accuracy by enhancing glide sampling for flexible polypeptides. in addition, scoring of the poses was improved by post-processing with physics-based implicit solvent mm- gbsa calculations. using the best rmsd among the top 10 scoring poses as a metric, the success rate (rmsd ≤ 2.0 å for the interface backbone atoms) increased from 21% with default glide sp settings to 58% with the enhanced peptide sampling and scoring protocol in the case of redocking to the native protein structure. this approaches the accuracy of the recently developed rosetta flexpepdock method (63% success for these 19 peptides) while being over 100 times faster. cross-docking was performed for a subset of cases where an unbound receptor structure was available, and in that case, 40% of peptides were docked successfully. we analyze the results and find that the optimized polypeptide protocol is most accurate for extended peptides of limited size and number of formal charges, defining a domain of applicability for this approach.”
Justman, S.. (1994). Freud and His Nephew. Social Research
“The article examines the attitudes of sigmund freud and his nephew edward bernays toward the miseries of civilization. like freud’s challenge to religion, bernays’s aim of engineering social harmony derived from the enlightenment, and so it was, perhaps, that he saw himself as a co-worker with his uncle in the project of emancipation. bernay’s efforts were a determined imitation of freud. in old age, bernays’s constant complaint was the cheapening of his thought by newcomers who cared nothing for his deeper concerns, never did he realize that he stood in approximately that relation to freud.”
Murphree, V.. (2015). Edward Bernays’s 1929 “Torches of Freedom” march: Myths and historical significance. American Journalism
“Edward bernayss 1929 torches of freedom march has long been considered a textbook example of the effectiveness of a pseudo-event and media manipulation to advance a cause. however, an examination of news media coverage shows that that although descriptions of the event as being carefully staged are accurate, the idea that the news media fell for the event in a significant way is a bernays-driven myth. this article argues that although there was indeed significant coverage, it was not nearly as celebratory as bernays claimed. moreover, the coverage indicates that the impact of the event was likely never as extensive or persuasive as bernays and some have suggested.”
García, C., Roosevelt, T., Wilson, W., & Kennedy, J. F.. (2010). Rethinking Walter Lippmann ’ s legacy in the history of public relations. PRism
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“This paper argues that walter lippmann’s contribution to the field of public relations has tended to be overlooked because, unlike often-cited figures such as ivy lee and edward bernays, he did not implement public relations campaigns. however, an analysis of lippmann’s political theory reveals that his view of society emphasised the importance of communication management by government. indeed, lippmann provided a rationale that shaped the development of public relations practice in the life of organisations as a hegemonic practice to control publics. moreover, this public relations perspective transferred to the broader communication field as lippmann’s paradigm for the study of communication was adopted. this paper looks at how lippmann’s political ideas framed and guided the development of the public relations profession and its influence beyond its own field.”
Rodgers, R. R.. (2010). The press and public relations through the lens of the periodicals, 1890-1930. Public Relations Review
“This paper explores and analyzes the intellectual debate and discussion about the slow reveal of public relations and both the perceived threat to journalism and the corruption of public opinion in american life as it appeared in the periodicals in the early twentieth century. despite edward l. bernays complaint that a ‘conspiracy of silence’ prevailed in the mass media about the growing field of public relations prior to 1930, this review found more than a hundred essays and articles about public relations. the topics ran the gamut from historical explanations and explorations of what were essentially the early beginnings of our contemporary information society to discussions, debates, and warnings about the ramifications of public relations in the commercial, governmental, political, and social areas of life. ?? 2009 elsevier inc. all rights reserved.”
Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media is a book written by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, in which the authors propose that the mass communication media of the U.S. “are effective and powerful ideological institutions that carry out a system-supportive propaganda function, by reliance on market forces, internalized assumptions, and self-censorship, and without overt coercion”, by means of the propaganda model of communication.[1] The title derives from the phrase “the manufacture of consent,” employed in the book Public Opinion (1922), by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974).[2]
The book was first published in 1988 and was revised 20 years later to take account of developments such as the fall of the Soviet Union. There has been debate about how the internet has changed the public´s access to information since 1988.
The propaganda model is a conceptual model in political economy advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky to explain how propaganda and systemic biases function in corporate mass media. The model seeks to explain how populations are manipulated and how consent for economic, social, and political policies is “manufactured” in the public mind due to this propaganda. The theory posits that the way in which corporate media is structured (e.g. through advertising, concentration of media ownership, government sourcing) creates an inherent conflict of interest that acts as propaganda for undemocratic forces.
The book begins with the following quotation by John Milton:
They who have put out the people’s eyes, reproach them of their blindness.
~ John Milton
First presented in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, the propaganda model views private media as businesses interested in the sale of a product—readers and audiences—to other businesses (advertisers) rather than that of quality news to the public. Describing the media’s “societal purpose”, Chomsky writes, “… the study of institutions and how they function must be scrupulously ignored, apart from fringe elements or a relatively obscure scholarly literature”.[1] The theory postulates five general classes of “filters” that determine the type of news that is presented in news media. These five classes are: Ownership of the medium, Medium’s funding sources, Sourcing, Flak, and Anti-communism or “fear ideology”.
The first three are generally regarded by the authors as being the most important. In versions published after the 9/11 attacks on the United States in 2001, Chomsky and Herman updated the fifth prong to instead refer to the “War on Terror” and “counter-terrorism”, although they state that it operates in much the same manner.
Although the model was based mainly on the characterization of United States media, Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the basic economic structure and organizing principles that the model postulates as the cause of media biases.
Further References
Herman, E. S.. (2000). The Propaganda Model: a retrospective. Journalism Studies
“In manufacturing consent: the political economy of the mass media, noam chomsky and i put forward a ‘propaganda model’ as a framework for analysing and understanding how the mainstream u.s. media work and why they perform as they do (herman and chomsky 1988). we had long been impressed with the regularity with which the media operate on the basis of a set of ideological prem-ises, depend heavily and uncritically on elite information sources, and participate in propaganda campaigns helpful to elite interests. in trying to explain why they do this we looked to structural factors as the only possible root of the systematic patterns of behavior and performance. because the propaganda model challenges basic premises and suggests that the media serve antidemocratic ends, it is commonly excluded from mainstream de-bates on media bias. such debates typically include conservatives, who criticize the media for excessive liberalism and an adversarial stance toward government and business, and centrists and liberals, who deny the charge of adversarialism and contend that the media behave fairly and responsibly. the exclusion of the propaganda model perspective is noteworthy, for one reason, because that per-spective is consistent with long standing and widely held elite views that ‘the masses are notoriously short-sighted’ (bailey 1948: 13) and are ‘often poor judges of their own interests’ (lasswell 1933: 527), so that ‘our statesmen must deceive them’ (bailey 1948: 13); and they ‘can be managed only by a specialized class whose personal interests reach beyond the locality’ (walter lippmann 1921: 310). in lippmann’s view, the ‘manufacture of consent’ by an elite class had already be-come ‘a self-conscious art and a regular organ of popular government’ by the 1920s (lippman 1921: 248). clearly the manufacture of consent by a ‘specialized class’ that can override the short-sighted perspectives of the masses must entail media control by that class. political scientist thomas ferguson contends that the major media, ’controlled by large profit-maximizing investors do not encourage the dissemination of news and”
Herman, Edward S., & Chomsky, N.. (2002). A Propaganda Model. Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of The Mass Media
“THIS book centers in what we call a ‘propaga:n’da model,’ an analytical framework that attempts to explain the performance of the u.s. media in terms of the basic institutional structures and relationships within which they operate. it is our view that, among their other functions, the media serve, and propagandize on behalf of, the powerful societal interests that control and finance them. the representatives of these interests have important agendas and principles that they want to advance, and they are well positioned to shape and constrain media policy. this is normally not accomplished by crude intervention, but by the selection of right-thinking personnel and by the editors’ and working journalists’ internalization of priorities and definitions of newsworthiness that conform to the institution’s policy.”
Chomsky, N.. (2002). An Exchange on Manufacturing Consent. I Can
“В данной работе представлены результаты экспериментального исследования возможности генерации собственных колебаний пограничного слоя путем сосредоточенного воздействия.”
Herman, E.. (1996). The Propaganda Model Revisited. Monthly Review
“The writer discusses the ‘propaganda model’ put forward by he and noam chomsky (1988) as a framework for analyzing and understanding how the mainstream american media work and why they perform as they do. he describes the model, addresses some of the criticisms that have been leveled against it, and discusses how it holds up almost a decade after its publication. in addition, he outlines some examples of how the model can help explain the nature of media coverage of important political topics in the 1990s. he points out that he and chomsky never claimed that the model explains everything or that it reveals media omnipotence and complete effectiveness in manufacturing consent. he states that it should be viewed as a model of media behavior and performance, not media effects. he suggests that the model remains a very workable framework for analyzing and understanding the mainstream media and that it often surpasses expectations of media subservience to government propaganda.”
Klaehn, J.. (2002). A critical review and assessment of Herman and Chomsky’s “propaganda model”. European Journal of Communication
“Mass media play an especially important role in democratic societies. they are presupposed to act as intermediary vehicles that reflect public opinion, respond to public concerns and make the electorate cognizant of state policies, important events and viewpoints. the fundamental principles of democracy depend upon the notion of a reasonably informed electorate. the ‘propaganda model’ of media operations laid out and applied by edward herman and noam chomsky in manufacturing consent: the political economy of the mass media postulates that elite media interlock with other institutional sectors in ownership, management and social circles, effectively circumscribing their ability to remain analytically detached from other dominant institutional sectors. the model argues that the net result of this is self-censorship without any significant coercion. media, according to this framework, do not have to be controlled nor does their behaviour have to be patterned, as it is assumed that they are integral actors in class warfare, fully integrated into the institutional framework of society, and act in unison with other ideological sectors, i.e. the academy, to establish, enforce, reinforce and ‘police’ corporate hegemony. it is not a surprise, then, given the interrelations of the state and corporate capitalism and the ‘ideological network’, that the propaganda model has been dismissed as a ‘conspiracy theory’ and condemned for its ‘overly deterministic’ view of media behaviour. it is generally excluded from scholarly debates on patterns of media behaviour. this article provides a critical assessment and review of herman and chomsky’s propaganda model and seeks to encourage scholarly debate regarding the relationship between corporate power and ideology. highly descriptive in nature, the article is concerned with the question of whether media can be seen to play a hegemonic role in society oriented towards legitimization, political accommodation and ideological management.”
Herman, E.. (2000). The Propaganda Model. Journalism Studies
“First presented in their 1988 book manufacturing consent: the political economy of the mass media, the propaganda model views private media as businesses interested in the sale of a product—readers and audiences—to other businesses (advertisers) rather than that of quality news to the public. describing the media’s ‘societal purpose’, chomsky writes, ‘… the study of institutions and how they function must be scrupulously ignored, apart from fringe elements or a relatively obscure scholarly literature’.[1] the theory postulates five general classes of ‘filters’ that determine the type of news that is presented in news media. these five classes are: ownership of the medium, medium’s funding sources, sourcing, flak, anti- communism and fear ideology. the first three are generally regarded by the authors as being the most important. in versions published after the 9/11 attacks on the united states in 2001, chomsky and herman updated the fifth prong to instead refer to the ‘war on terror’ and ‘counter-terrorism’, although they state that it operates in much the same manner. although the model was based mainly on the characterization of united states media, chomsky and herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the basic economic structure and organizing principles which the model postulates as the cause of media biases.[2] contents”
Fleming, P., & Oswick, C.. (2014). Educating consent? A conversation with Noam Chomsky on the university and business school education. Organization
“In what follows, we present a conversation with professor noam chomsky on the topic of whether the business school might be a site for progressive political change. the conversation covers a number of key issues related to pedagogy, corporate social responsibility and working conditions in the contemporary business school. we hope the conversion will contribute to the ongoing discussion about the role of the business school in neoliberal societies.”
Entman, R. M.. (1990). News as propaganda. Journal of Communication
“The article reviews the book ‘manufacturing consent: the political economy of the mass media,’ by edward s. herman and noam chomsky.”
Klaehn, J.. (2002). Corporate hegemony: A Critical Assessment of the Globe and Mail’s News Coverage of Near-Genocide in Occupied East Timor 1975–80. Gazette
“The study asks whether the news coverage accorded the near-genocide in east timor by the globe and mail (g&m) followed the predictions of the ‘propaganda model’ (pm) of media operations laid out and applied by edward s. herman and noam chomsky in manufacturing consent: the political economy of the mass media. the research asks whether the g&m’s news coverage of the near-genocide in east timor and of canada’s ‘aiding and abetting’ of ‘war crimes’ and ‘crimes against humanity’ in occupied east timor was hegemonic or ideologically serviceable given canada’s (geo)political-economic interests in indonesia throughout the invasion and occupation periods. did the news coverage provide a political and historical benchmark by which to inform the canadian public (or not) and influence (or not) canadian government policy on indonesia and east timor?”
“We develop a model that clarifies the respective advantages and disadvantages of academic and private-sector research. our model assumes full protection of intellectual property rights at all stages of the development process, and hence does not rely on lack of appropriability or spillovers to generate a rationale for academic research. instead, we focus on control-rights considerations, and argue that the fundamental tradeoff between academia and the private sector is one of creative control versus focus. by serving as a precommitment mechanism that allows scientists to freely pursue their own interests, academia can be indispensable for early-stage research. at the same time, the private sector’s ability to direct scientists towards higher-payoff activities makes it more attractive for later-stage research.”
Academic and Professional Freedom. (1969). British Medical Journal
“This introductory chapter presents the reader with an overview of the historical trends, current status and market developments in academic and professional publishing, and a dark cloud gathering over the industry. the chapter notes how these widespread changes are addressed throughout the book, with chapters providing insight into the integrated, innovative and multi-disciplinary approaches publishers are applying to adapt to the challenges facing the industry and take publishing forward. it also outlines what publishers do, how publishers add value and what the future may look like for the industry.”
Philip G . Altbach. (2001). Academic Freedom : International Realities and Challenges. Higher Education
“Academic freedom is a central value of higher education. it affects the academic profession in all aspects of academic work. yet, academic freedom is rarely discussed in the context of the changes taking place in higher education in the current period. the concept is defined in a historical and comparative framework, and the challenges facing academic freedom around the world are discussed.”
Hill, H. H.. (1955). Academic Freedom and Responsibility. Peabody Journal of Education
“Academic freedom has become a contested category within the united states. on the one hand, conservative scholars have sought to use the term to criticize what they perceive as political correctness in the academy, whereas progressive scholars have sought to bolster academic freedom as a principle that safeguards academic self-determination over and against corporate and government intrusion. recently i published a debate with robert post in academic freedom after september 11. 1 this collection was first of all an effort to understand the definition and range of the concept of academic freedom. in his contribution, post argues that the way to pre-serve academic self-governance is to allow tenured faculty to make judg-ments about curriculum and appointments because they have undergone the relevant professional training in a given discipline and so are uniquely prepared to make these sorts of judgments. to protect academic freedom in this domain, then, depends upon our ability to protect the singular professional capacities that tenured faculty have assumed by virtue of pro-fessional training and practices of peer review. for post, the viability of the institution of academic freedom is founded upon established and agreed-upon academic norms, set and enforced by a professional class of educators who know the fields in question, and these norms, in turn, enable the kinds of research and teaching that we do. these norms, in fact, are the legitimating condition of our academic freedom. i have agreed with post that academic self-governance, which is crucial”
Giroux, H. A.. (2006). Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy. College Literature
“Part of a special issue on current right-wing attacks on academic freedom in the united states. there is much more at stake in the current assault on the university than the issue of academic freedom. right-wing extremists and corporate interests are making a concerted attempt to strip the professoriate of any authority, render critical pedagogy as merely an instrumental task, eliminate tenure as a protection for teacher authority, and remove critical reason from any vestige of civic courage, engaged citizenship, and social responsibility. it is critical that academics both develop a theoretical framework for engaging critical pedagogy and develop a defense for its use in the classroom as part of a broader project of linking education to democratic values, identities, public spaces, and relationships.”
Davies, M.. (2015). Academic freedom: a lawyer’s perspective. Higher Education
“The article provides information on the challenges faced by professors in dealing with academic freedom in the u.s. it mentions that it has never been clear if academic freedom is something that belongs to the educational institutions where the professors work or to professors. it states that the quality of higher education will nearly fall without academic freedom.”
Aarrevaara, T.. (2010). Academic freedom in a changing academic world. European Review
“This article considers the academic profession and academic freedom in light of the results of the changing academic profession (cap) survey in finland and four other european countries. academic freedom is examined as a phenomenon that provides a setting for goal determination by members of the academic profession. it has a bearing on both institutional autonomy and individual academic freedom, i.e. the freedom of research and teaching. academic freedom can be examined on the basis of material from the cap survey through the questions about the freedom of teaching, the definition of work, working as a member of a community, the power of influence, funding, and the evaluation of quality. the concept of academic freedom varies slightly between countries, in part because of the growth of higher education systems and because of the increasing demand for ‘relevance’ being imposed on universities. [abstract from author]”
Brown, R. S., & Kurland, J. E.. (2014). Academic Tenure and Academic Freedom. Law and Contemporary Problems
“Tenure, like any other large, occasionally inefficient system, will probably remain under attack for years to come. anecdotal evidence of inferior scholars and teachers shielded by tenure makes a powerful hostile argument, though not a valid one. the economic and social costs of the tenure system are, we believe, outweighed by the fact that tenure is vital to academic freedom. no other proposed alternative (such as legal defenses, internal safeguards, less-than-career tenure, or tenure review) can provide adequate protection to the academic community. a greater danger to the tenure system than outright abrogation is continued circumvention. deficiencies in the due process accorded fired professors, dubious financial exigency claims by colleges and universities, the discontinuation of entire programs, and, especially, runaway expansion of nontenure-track positions threaten not to tear down the tenure system, but to weaken it severely.”
Karran, T.. (2009). Academic freedom in Europe: Time for a Magna Charta?. Higher Education Policy
“This paper is a preliminary attempt to establish a working definition of academic freedom for the european union states. the paper details why such a definition is required for the european union and then examines some of the difficulties of defining academic freedom. by drawing upon the experience of the legal difficulties beset by the concept in the usa and building on previous analyses of constitutional and legislative protection for academic freedom, and of legal regulations regarding institutional governance and academic tenure, a working definition of academic freedom is then derived. the resultant definition, which, it is suggested, could form the basis for a european magna charta libertatis academicae, goes beyond traditional discussions of academic freedom by specifying not only the rights inherent in the concept but also its accompanying duties, necessary limitations and safeguards. the paper concludes with proposals for how the definition might be tested and carried forward. [publication abstract]”
Thomas, N.. (2010). The politics of academic freedom. New Directions for Higher Education
“This is a thematic examination of the most influential ideas and writings on leadership. the text creates order from the chaos of leadership literature, and its structure, style and original approach encourages reader reflection.”