Identity politics is a political approach wherein people of a particular race, religion, gender, social background, social class, environmental, or other identifying factors develop political agendas that are based upon these identities. Such groups often have support from allies outside the respective identity groups.
The laden phrase “identity politics” has come to signify a wide range of political activity and theorizing founded in the shared experiences of injustice of members of certain social groups. Rather than organizing solely around belief systems, programmatic manifestos, or party affiliation, identity political formations typically aim to secure the political freedom of a specific constituency marginalized within its larger context. Members of that constituency assert or reclaim ways of understanding their distinctiveness that challenge dominant characterizations, with the goal of greater self-determination.
“We review the literature on the rise of identity politics and populism in europe. populist parties have gained large vote shares since the great recession of 2008. we observe in many countries, and even in the european parliament, a transformation of the main dimension of politics from the left-right cleavage to a new cleavage opposing the mainstream parties to populist parties. we examine how this transformation relates to changes in voter attitudes and the adjustment of political parties to these changes. two main types of causes for the rise of populism have emerged: economic and cultural. in reviewing the evidence, we find a complex interaction between economic and cultural factors. economic anxiety among large groups of voters related to the great recession and austerity policies triggers a heightened receptivity to the messages of cultural backlash from populist parties.”
Sawitri, M. Y., & Wiratmaja, I. N.. (2021). On the brink of post-democracy: Indonesia’s identity politics in the post-truth era. Politicka Misao
“As a country with a diversity of languages, religions, ethnicities and cultures, indonesia is particularly vulnerable to the hostile play of identity politics. lies produced during the post-truth period exploit many emotional sentiments and provoke interest groups to act based on primordial impulses that support certain political interests. the negative turbulence related to identity politics due to the chaotic circulation of hoaxes and misinformation is feared to lead to a post-democratic situation. taking the case study of the two most influential elections in indonesia: the 2017 jakarta provincial election and the 2019 presidential election, this paper will explore how the post-truth phenomenon incorporates the issue of identity politics to generate a post-democratic situation in indonesia. secondary data analysis from the news and social media will be employed to further explain how identity politics is distorted in the media, and how it can generate social and political turbulence.”
Moran, M.. (2020). (Un)troubling identity politics: A cultural materialist intervention. European Journal of Social Theory
“This article draws on the cultural materialist paradigm articulated by raymond williams to offer a radical historicization of the idea of identity, with a view to clarifying and resolving some of the issues animating the ‘identity politics’ debates currently dividing left academia and activism. first, it offers clarity on the concept ‘identity politics’, demonstrating that we should reserve the term to refer only to politics that mobilize specifically and meaningfully around the concept of identity. second, and in virtue of this, it provides new insights into five central questions that have driven the identity politics debates: do identity politics always tend towards essentialism?; do identity politics inevitably promote a politics of recognition over redistribution?; do identity politics inevitably create political cleavages rather than solidaristic forms of political action?; what is the relationship between ‘identity politics’ and ‘call-out culture’?; and, are the problems of identity politics resolved by reference to intersectionality?”
Béland, D.. (2017). Identity, politics, and public policy. Critical Policy Studies
“Although much has been written about ‘identity politics’ in the narrow sense of the term, students of politics and public policy can take a more systematic look at the connection between identity and politics, as related to public policy. this essay shows that, by putting identity at the center of their analysis of politics and public policy, scholars can gain powerful insight about both explanation and policy prescription. in other words, how actors understand themselves and are seen by others are key aspects of political and policy analysis and they each deserve a systematic and interdisciplinary treatment. the essay suggests this by drawing on recent social science literature, such as identity economics, to explore the relevance of the connection between identity and politics for policy research across different policy areas and regions of the world. because several of these literatures are seldom discussed together, this essay offers a particularly broad and multi-faceted identity perspective for the analysis of politics and public policy.”
Brunila, K., & Rossi, L. M.. (2018). Identity politics, the ethos of vulnerability, and education. Educational Philosophy and Theory
“In this article, identity politics is understood as a form of politics stressing collective but malleable group identities as the basis of political action. this notion of identity politics also allows thinking of identity as intersectional. the focus of this article, and a problem related to identity politics, is that when discussed in the context of the neoliberal order, identity politics has a tendency to become harnessed by the ethos of vulnerability. some implications of the ‘vulnerabilizisation’ are considered in the field of education, which is a field currently thoroughly affected by neoliberalism. therefore, it is also important to look closer at the relationship between identity politics and the ethos of vulnerability. in addition, we re-consider poststructuralist thinking as a theoretical and political approach to see what it can offer in terms of re-thinking identity politics and in analyzing the ethos of vulnerability. when categories of vulnerability keep expanding into various psycho-emotional vulnerabilities defining subjects that can be known and spoken about, it is crucial to ask whether we regard these changes as educationally and politically progressive. the article discusses some problematic policies in educational environments and the phenomenon of trigger warnings.”
Paul, J.. (2019). ‘Not Black and White, but Black and Red’: Anti-identity identity politics and #AllLivesMatter. Ethnicities
“This article critically examines #alllivesmatter, which emerged as a rebuttal to #blacklivesmatter, arguing, in spite of its universalist pretentions, that it represents a cloaked identitarian politics which through a hegemonic narrative (re)presents itself as a radically inclusionary counter-narrative. i argue all lives matter exemplifies an anti-identity identity politics by invoking rhetoric in opposition to racial identities while smuggling in a somewhat elastic ‘postracial’ neoliberal subject as the foundational identity around which this new mobilisation is organised. the article outlines a definition for anti-identity identity politics and uses this as a lens for analysing all lives matter in order to interrogate this keyword.”
Purdeková, A., & Mwambari, D.. (2022). Post-genocide identity politics and colonial durabilities in Rwanda. Critical African Studies
“While academic literature has long explored the ways in which colonial reification of identity and narratives underpinning unequal racialised status of colonial subjects contributed to cycles of violence in the great lakes region, including in rwanda, few ask the complementary question: does the colonial legacy imprint on the ‘post-conflict’ era, shaping post-genocide attempts at nation-building and identity re-engineering carried out in the name of the broader project of peacebuilding? using the conceptual framework of colonial durabilities, we argue that despite explicit attempts to remove the vestiges of colonialism, the colonial past endures, in everyday expressions of identity as well as in grand policies of its reformulation. the current paper aims to trace these vestiges in the transformations of identity politics and nation-building in rwanda by looking at three distinct arenas: (i) the architecture of de-ethnicisation policy itself; (ii) the stubborn lingering of racialised distinctions in popular culture; and (iii) the rise of ‘new’ social divisions based on the country of exile.”
Lefaan, A.. (2021). Identity Politics And The Future Of Democracy In Papua. Journal of Legal, Ethical and Regulatory Issues
Show/hide publication abstract
“Although the same phenomenon also occurs in other areas, in papua, the practice of identity politics presents an interesting political phenomenon, because what is happening is a tug of war between the two groups of essentialistic identities among the papuans themselves, namely between mount papua and coastal papua. the issue of local identity politics is so strong that even it is more imprinted on the mental structure of the papuanese. the issue becomes stronger in every political moment of regional elections (pilkada). for example, in the 2018 simultaneous regional elections, the battle for the identity between papuanese living in the mountains (papua gunung) and papuanese living in coastal areas (papua pantai) reemerged. on that basis, the governor candidate pairs considered the configuration of this identity politics. this trend is getting stronger, especially when the representative of papua gunung won the 2014 papua gubernatorial election (pilgub). in subsequent political developments, the practice of identity politics continues to dominate political dynamics in papua. in the 2018 simultaneous regional elections, the phenomenon of identity politics was practiced by several elites to fight for power and gain strength. as an illustration, the configuration of the governor candidates proposed by several political parties in the 2018 papua gubernatorial election shows the dichotomy configuration of the identity of papua pantai and papua gunung. johm wetipo and habel suwae, for example, wetipo is from papua gunung, namely the wamena regent; while habel melkias suwae is from papua pantai, the former regent of jayapura regency. likewise, another candidate pair, lukas enembe and klemen tinal in which lukas is from papua gunung, and klementinal is a person from papua pantai. this phenomenon certainly has implications for the quality of democracy substantially. simultaneous regional elections are a manifestation of a democratic political system, so selecting political leadership is based more on the prospective leader’s professional ability and capacity. the thesis that can be put forward is that a democratic system provides the broadest possible opportunity for anyone to become a leader as long as they have the capacity to do so. so leaders are elected by the people through democratic mechanisms because of professionalism, not because of primordialism aspects such as ethnicity, religion and race, or other permanently attached identities. this short article …”
Hess, J.. (2019). Singing our own song: Navigating identity politics through activism in music. Research Studies in Music Education
“This work builds upon considerations of musicking that suggest processes of performing, creating, listening, and producing of music are sites for identity formation and meaning-making activities. in this project, i interviewed 20 activist-musicians about the following dimensions of identity and meaning-making in their work: (a) how they view the role of (their) music; (b) how they situate themselves in their work; and (c) what they believe are the implications of their work for music education, based on (d) their own experiences of music. i draw on said’s counterpoint as an analytical tool to hold conflicting identities and issues in tension without false resolution. significantly, the majority of the activist-musicians who participated in the study saw music not only as a means of identity formation, but also as a site to engage in, express, and formulate identity politics. together, these elements have substantive implications for music education. in imagining an activist school music education, music may enable students to navigate the politics of identity, opening up possibilities to embrace, trouble, and explore the intersections of identity. this article concludes with implications for pedagogy and curriculum in school music education and the consideration of composing as a dual act—an act of formulating identity and a musical act of assertion.”
Bernstein, M.. (2005). Identity politics. Annual Review of Sociology
“This paper studies the effects of cultural identity on electoral and policy outcomes when voters are ‘behavioral.’ building on the evidence that voters assess political or economic events through the lens of their partisan identifications, we analyze an election between two office-motivated candidates in which voters over-reward or under-punish the candidate that shares their cultural identity. focusing on issues with cultural as well as distributional implications for voters such as immigration and the cultural divide based on nativism as the source of identity politics, we find that the candidates’ equilibrium policies are always preferred by the electorally dominant cultural group to the policy that would be optimal if policies only had distributional consequences. we also show that candidates do not necessarily target their own cultural bases in equilibrium. furthermore, stronger identity politics increases policy polarization. our findings contribute to the debates on the decoupling of voting behavior from economic interests, and the rise of immigration, trade protectionism, or engagement with global governing institutions as electoral issues that can shift historical voting patterns.”
Kumar, A., Elliott-Cooper, A., Iyer, S., & Gebrial, D.. (2018). An introduction to the special issue on identity politics. Historical Materialism
“This special issue responds to ongoing debates around what has been termed ‘identity politics’. we aim to intervene in what are make-or-break questions for the left today. specifically, we wish to provoke further interrogative but comradely conversation that works towards breaking-down the wedge between vulgar economism and vulgar culturalism. critically, we maintain that just as all identity categories are spatially and temporally contingent-socially constructed, yet naturalised-so too is this current bifurcation between ‘class politics’ and ‘identity politics’. ultimately, we call for an intellectual and organisational embracing of the complexity of identity as it figures in contemporary conditions; being a core organising-principle of capitalism as it functions today, a paradigm that leftist struggle can be organised through and around- a nd yet all with a recognition of the necessity of historicising, and ultimately abolishing, these categories along with capitalism itself.”
Gin, W.. (2021). Divided by Identity on the Left? Partisan Spillover and Identity Politics Alignment. Forum (Germany)
“It has often been stated that in the united states the left tends to be less united than the right on issues related to identity politics such as race, gender, and religion. this article presents evidence that this asymmetry in partisan alignment over identity politics is changing over time. looking at various measures of public opinion shows that the left’s agreement on issues related to identity politics has either caught up with the right or that the gap is diminishing. the article considers various possible explanations for unity on these issues – including personality distribution, party homogeneity, and message infrastructure – and shows that partisan spillover in the context of polarization helps explains the closing of the gap in unity between the right and the left. in an era of polarization, democratic affiliation induces warmer feeling toward stigmatized coalition partners. groups that may have joined the democratic party on a single group interest claim (race, gender, religion, class) will gradually move toward greater acceptance of other group interest claims supported by the party. these findings have implications for the oft-stated strategic claim that the left needs to focus on class redistribution over identity politics if the left does not want to be fractured.”
Bliss, C.. (2013). The Marketization of Identity Politics. Sociology
Prieto, M.. (2022). Indigenous Resurgence, Identity Politics, and the Anticommodification of Nature: The Chilean Water Market and the Atacameño People. Annals of the American Association of Geographers
“What is ‘uncooperative’ about the commodification of nature? this article argues that critical understandings of neoliberal environmental governance must contend with complex processes of identity formation and mobilization. drawing on an analysis of water rights formalization in chile, widely seen as the most radical case of water commodification in the world, this article demonstrates how indigenous identity works to subvert the processes and politics of commodifying water. a growing body of recent literature (mainly in the andes) has emphasized the relationship between water control and indigenous resurgence, stressing how indigeneity can disrupt neoliberalism. following this approach, and through analyzing oral testimonies from atacameño people, i highlight the atacameños’ agency throughout the implementation of the chilean water model in the atacama desert. by studying the atacameños’ perceptions of the intimate relationship between water, power, and identity politics in their desert homeland, i conclude that the chilean water model, rather than posing a threat to a genuine identity, has allowed for the articulation of a legitimate indigenous positionality for the purpose of retaining a collective hydraulic property. the results provide a more comprehensive understanding of the contradictions of the chilean case and the role of identity politics within the commodification of natural processes.”
Wilhelmsen, F.. (2021). “The Wife Would Put on a Nice Suit, Hat, and Possibly Gloves”: The Misogynistic Identity Politics of Anders Behring Breivik. Fascism
“By analysing the anti-feminist and misogynistic narratives in anders behring breivik’s compendium 2083: a european declaration of independence, this article argues that breivik’s counterjihadist worldview can be located both as a permutation of ‘generic fascism’ and as a form of nonegalitarian ‘identity politics’. first, the article reframes and reformulates nancy fraser’s concept of identity politics, as it sets breivik’s ideology in relation to her theory of a ‘politics of recognition’, arguing that her theories – originally developed to analyse left-wing politics – can be used to identify how questions of identity are at the centre of the dynamics of breivik’s far-right ideology. the article then goes on to demonstrate how breivik’s misogynist narratives are plotted into a broader fascist conception of history, where the alleged feminised and islamised present is described as an estrangement from a glorious past dominated by white, european men. as a result, breivik’s futural palingenetic vision of a ‘European cultural renaissance’ is not only going to resurrect a white, homogenous, ‘christian’ society, but also restore patriarchy.”
Kumar, P.. (2018). Rerouting the Narrative: Mapping the Online Identity Politics of the Tamil and Palestinian Diaspora. Social Media and Society
“Drawing on the e-diasporas atlas project (www.e-diasporas.fr) and original empirical research, this study examines the complex role of the world wide web in supporting and enabling new types of diaspora identity politics. it compares the online identity politics of two conflict-generated diasporas: tamils and palestinians. both of these stateless diaspora communities maintain a strong web presence and have mobilized around various secessionist attempts, grievance narratives, issue-agendas, and calls for the right to self-determination that have garnered significant attention from the international community and mainstream media in recent times. analytical concepts from transnational advocacy networks (tans) and social movement literature are used to draw attention to the dynamic identity-based processes and framing mechanisms that connect diasporic demands and political claims across online and offline environments. the data combine tamil and palestinian e-diasporas hyperlink network maps with web-based content analysis and key respondent interviews. the study argues that online diasporic exchanges transcend host–homeland territorial boundaries and invite comparatively expressive forms of identity-based political engagements that are simultaneously both deeply local and digitally global. in particular, the analysis demonstrates that human rights–based language offers a unique streamlining bridge between various locales, countries of settlement, and the international system more broadly.”
Böschen, S., Legris, M., Pfersdorf, S., & Stahl, B. C.. (2020). Identity Politics: Participatory Research and Its Challenges Related to Social and Epistemic Control. Social Epistemology
“Over the past 20 years, the participation of laypersons or representatives of civil society has become a guiding principle in processes of research and innovation. there is now a significant literature discussing collaboration between civil society organisations (csos) and researchers, with two interesting gaps. firstly, the fact that research is mainly conducted within projects is often underestimated, although the format significantly frames knowledge production. secondly, researchers and civil society organisations are closely related to their respective communities. we argue that this constellation–of project-related format, in combination with a strong relationship to communities–results in conflicts that express and lead to identity politics. the analysis is based on conceptual considerations as well as empirical findings, which were developed within the ec-funded consider project (2012–2015). it can be shown that identity politics is performed by socio-epistemic tactics, which are used to order the socially as well as epistemically hybrid space within projects. to explain differences in conflict intensity, we suggest the distinction between weakly tied and strongly tied identity politics. in sum, identity politics can be seen as one key element for social as well as epistemic control in transdisciplinary research projects.”
Chubin, F.. (2020). From Empowerment to Advocacy: Innominate Identity Politics as Feminist Advocacy in Iran. International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society
“Through in-depth interviews and ethnographic observation of a nongovernmental organization in iran dedicated to advocacy for marginalized women, i demonstrate that in the absence of political opportunity for ‘rights’ advocacy in iran, unconventional modes of identity politics have emerged. my data suggest that some practices of identity politics in iran depart in framing, strategy, and organization from conventional practices of identity politics prevalent in liberal democratic contexts where identities are invoked, deployed, and tied to a universal conception of ‘rights.’ i introduce the term ‘innominate identity politics’ to reveal a creative utilization of the framework of ‘capabilities’ for identity-based advocacy where ‘rights’ advocacy and group identity formation are not tolerated by the government. identities, hence, are innominate (unnamed), yet fought for. this article explains the organization’s departure from the common practices of identity politics by examining three factors which necessitated the adoption of new frames and strategies: (1) the repressive politics of the state which had rendered the ‘rights’ framework costly and inaccessible, (2) the social construction of the organization’s clients as ‘bare life’ due to the intersection of multiple systems of inequality, and (3) the social actors’ perception of what constitutes effective advocacy.”
Vaara, E., Tienari, J., & Koveshnikov, A.. (2021). From Cultural Differences to Identity Politics: A Critical Discursive Approach to National Identity in Multinational Corporations. Journal of Management Studies
“There is a paucity of knowledge of one key aspect of diversity in and around international organizations: national identity. this is especially the case with research on multinational corporations (mnc) that has focused on cultural differences instead of processes of national identification or national identity construction. drawing on a critical discursive approach, this paper offers four perspectives that can help to advance this area of research. first, mncs can be viewed as sites of identity politics, within which one can study ‘us vs. them’ constructions and the reproduction of inequalities. second, mncs can be seen as actors engaged in identity building and legitimation vis-à-vis external stakeholders, and the analysis of the discursive dynamics involved illuminates important aspects of identity politics between the organization and its environment. third, mncs can be viewed as part of international relations between nations and nationalities, and analysis of discursive dynamics in the media can elucidate key aspects of the international struggles encountered. fourth, mncs can be seen as agents of broader issues and changes, which enables us to comprehend how mncs advance neocolonialism or promote positive change in society.”
Velasco, A.. (2020). Populism and Identity Politics. LSE Public Policy Review
“Over one-third of humanity lives under populist regimes-and many of those regimes are turning increasingly authoritarian. it is a worldwide challenge to liberal democracy. the conventional wisdom is that bad economics is to blame: the losers from globalization are angry and voting populists into office is their revenge. the policy implication is a kind of technocratic fantasy: fix the economy and populism will fade away. that view has weak empirical foundations, since many emerging countries that are clear winners from globalization have recently elected populists. in this essay i argue that we cannot understand the surge in populism without understanding the rise of identity politics around the world. identity is the intermediate stopover in the two-way feedback between economics and politics. a focus on identity politics has important practical implications. one of them is that, to succeed in the fight against populism, democratic politicians have to learn to practice identity politics, but of the right kind. the challenge is to build national identities based not on nativism or xenophobia, but on liberal democratic values.”
Wrenn, M.. (2014). Identity, identity politics, and neoliberalism. Panoeconomicus
“With the intensification of neoliberalism, it is useful to examine how some individuals might cope with the irrationality of the system. neoliberalism cloaks the execution of the corporate agenda behind rhetorical manipulation that advocates for limited government. the corollary absence of government involvement on behalf of the citizenry writ large disarms the means of social redress for the individual. democracy funded and fueled by corporate power thereby disenfranchises the individual, provoking some to search for empowerment through identity politics. the argument set forth suggests that individuals construct, reinforce, or escalate allegiance to identities as a coping mechanism, some of which manifest in violent identity politics.”
Chaney, S.. (2020). Am I a researcher or a self-harmer? Mental health, objectivity and identity politics in history. Social Theory and Health
“The different models of self-harm in other eras can challenge the presumed universality of modern concepts, from psychiatric diagnoses to the very idea of objectivity in science and medicine. in this paper i argue that the history of psychiatry is not a neutral set of ideas by which we understand the past but an opportunity to reflect on, critique and improve modern mental healthcare. by writing as omniscient narrators of the past, historians often do create the impression that there is only one interpretation of a set of ideas. incorporating personal material into a narrative is one way of countering this tendency, reminding the reader that the researcher is a part of his or her field of research. yet there are challenges here as well. in identifying as a particular kind of person—a mental health service user—we run the risk of narrowing the field. by exploring the tensions between research and experience, i highlight the importance of critical reflection on identity politics within mental health care and practice today.”
Rafi, M., Purnomo, E. P., & Wicaksono, B.. (2020). Riau Malay Identity Politics. Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya
“This article is a study of the process of the rise of riau malay identity politics when it was previously marginalized in the new order era. the purpose of this article is to look at the stages in the formation of identity politics in restoring the glory of malay culture in riau province. this research is descriptive-explorative library research that explains and explores ideas about riau malay identity politics by answering questions in problems identified based on reading results and data interpretation related to the research theme. the results showed that after the reforms, the political elite of the riau province government tried to strengthen malay identity with a variety of policies that were disseminated. then, the negative views that were often directed towards ethnic malay in the past, were rectified again by giving islamic values to all the lives of the malay people. furthermore, the local government and the riau malay customary institution try to re-socialize the importance of the use of malay as the origin of indonesian.”
Knowles, E. D., Tropp, L. R., & Mogami, M.. (2022). When White Americans see “non-Whites” as a group: Belief in minority collusion and support for White identity politics. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations
“White americans may find diversity threatening in part because they construe non-white americans as a coherent social and political force. we argue that this perception manifests in a belief that minority groups collude against white people and that white people should act as a political bloc to defend ingroup interests. in a 3-year longitudinal study, the belief in minority collusion and support for white identity politics increased significantly among a nationally representative sample of 2,635 white americans. compared to white democrats, white republicans more strongly endorsed minority collusion beliefs and white identity politics, and increased more in these beliefs over time. essentialist perceptions of the white ingroup were associated with longitudinal increases in minority collusion beliefs, but not in support for white identity politics. endorsement of minority collusion and support for white identity politics both predicted lower support for black lives matter and greater support for the alt-right movement. implications for race relations, stigma-based solidarity, and the psychology of partisanship and ideology are discussed.”
Fenton, J., & Smith, M.. (2019). ‘You Can’t Say That!’: Critical Thinking, Identity Politics, and the Social Work Academy. Societies
“Recent years have witnessed an eruption of what have been termed culture wars, often converging around the messier aspects of interpersonal relationships and corresponding identity issues that are complex, sensitive, and contested. these are emotive topics that are often colonised by activist groups, and consequently have become enveloped in particular regimes of truth and assertive identity politics. they are often also, by their nature, the kind of issues that are central to social work practice. this can lead to pressure on social workers and social work students to think that these orthodoxies ought to underpin and define the profession, which in turn can lead to the silencing of alternative opinions and the closing down of dissent. this article seeks to locate identity politics in a political and cultural context. it goes on to set out classic arguments for free speech, viewpoint diversity, and for the need for social work to embrace and engage with such. it explores the notion that the closing down of debate about contentious issues, the disincentives that exist to expressing controversial opinions, and the uncritical adoption of ideological orthodoxies work against the development of the critical thinking skills that are essential for social work practice.”
Pérez, M., & Radi, B.. (2020). Gender punitivism: Queer perspectives on identity politics in criminal justice. Criminology and Criminal Justice
“The article examines the convergence of identity politics and punitivism, two tendencies that profoundly affect current lgbt activism and state criminal policies. it considers the case of argentina, a country often deemed exemplary in terms of gender-related legislation, and analyses a 2018 sentence that incorporates the concept of ‘travesticide’ in order to examine how the role of identity in political strategies, added to prevailing notions of gender, limits the possible approaches and answers to violence against gender non-conforming communities. it then takes this a step forward to understand how these answers are, in turn, often reduced to punitivist outcomes, narrowing the understanding of reparation and exposing the most vulnerable subjects in the community to further violence. as a contribution to queer criminologies, the article seeks to expose the limitations of identity politics, and in particular of its advocacy for gendered rights, showing how they can force gender non-conforming subjects to choose between rights, most notably between legal recognition of their gender identity, and safety vis-à-vis the state apparatus of criminal justice.”
Kabir, N. A.. (2020). Identity Politics in India: Gujarat and Delhi Riots. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs
“Muslims in india have lived alongside hindus peacefully for many centuries. yet in the contemporary period some politicians have orchestrated division for political ends, for example, during the godhra-gujarat riots in india in 2002 in which there were many muslim casualties. critics allege that the ruling party in gujarat, the bharatiya janata party, and its leader chief minister narendra modi (now the prime minister of india) were responsible for the godhra-gujarat riots. once again, in 2020, under narendra modi’s prime ministership, riots against the muslims took place in delhi. within the framework of identity politics in india, where religion seems to dominate the social, economic and political spheres, based on my participants interviews, this paper mainly focuses on how the 2002 gujarat riots impacted on muslims in gujarat. based on other primary sources, this paper also briefly examines the recent 2020 delhi riots. i conclude that, in the era of identity politics when muslims form a disadvantaged minority, national and international policy makers should promulgate policies that would improve social cohesion in india.”
Kaasik-Krogerus, S.. (2020). Identity politics of the promotional videos of the European Heritage Label. Contemporary Politics
“During past decades, the eu has responded to a variety of ‘crises’ by promoting a common cultural heritage to advance european identity and belonging. this article analyses identity politics conducted in the framework of the eu’s flagship heritage action, the european heritage label. i borrow from ‘banal nationalism’ to scrutinise the usage of ‘we’ and ‘us’ in the promotional videos of the european heritage label sites as subject positions offered for identification in this heritage discourse. analysis shows that the subject positions are constituted by an emphasis on the national level, preservation of the past for future generations and the key role of experts in the process of heritage. although the heritage agents talk about europe (representation) they do not identify with that as ‘us’. by making the lack of ‘banal europeanness’ in the videos visible the article shows the ambiguities of european identity politics.”
Lustig, K. C.. (2020). Equal Distribution of Inequality: Totality and the Limits of Identity Politics. Rethinking Marxism
“This essay tracks the limits of identity-based politics, arguing that such political programs fail to adequately theorize their embeddedness within capital and the liberal state. following marx, moishe postone distinguishes between precapitalist societies, in which overt social relations mediate labor, and capitalist societies, in which labor is abstracted and comes to mediate social relations, creating a social totality. following postone, it can be argued that noncapitalist forms of domination, such as racism and patriarchy, are overt forms of domination in which social relations directly mediate labor and its distribution. this claim seemingly strengthens identity politics, but not when considering political programs based on identity lines, which ultimately must adopt and perfect a liberal logic that, rather than eradicating inequality, ensures its more even distribution. this essay shows, for example, how state-driven identity politics based on ethnic difference in israel/palestine fails to account for neoliberal reforms that remake the encounter between jews and arabs.”
Melcher, C. R.. (2021). The political economy of “White Identity Politics”: economic self-interest and perceptions of immigration. Ethnic and Racial Studies
“This article challenges the prevailing contention that economic self-interest does not affect public attitudes toward immigration. through an in-depth re-analysis of the data and findings of ashley jardina’s white identity politics (2019), it is argued, first, that a number of variables that are characterized as status-based or sociotropic can plausibly be interpreted as measuring economic self-interest. second, and more importantly, it is argued that the variables that are often used to measure economic self-interest do not follow from the theoretical claims that are meant to inform their interpretation. third, it is shown that limiting one’s analysis to white respondents–a trend which has become typical, especially since the 2016 us presidential election–severely limits one’s capacity to make convincing explanatory claims. i conclude by arguing that a more appropriate measure of economic self-interest is a measure of perceived job (in)security and a more nuanced measure of employment status.”
Pap, A. L.. (2021). Neglect, Marginalization, and Abuse: Hate Crime Legislation and Practice in the Labyrinth of Identity Politics, Minority Protection, and Penal Populism. Nationalities Papers
“Using hungary as a case study and focusing on legislative policies and the practical application of hate crime legislation, this article shows the various ways legal policy can become misguided in the labyrinth of identity politics, minority protection, and penal populism. the first mistake states can make, the author argues, is not to adopt hate crime legislation. the second error arguably pertains to conceptualizing hate crimes as an identity protection but not a minority-protection mechanism and instrument. the third fallacy the author identifies concerns legislative and practical policies that conceptualize victims based on self-identification and not on the perpetrator’s (or the wider community’s) potential perception and classification. the fourth flaw concerns the abuse of the concept of hate crime when it is applied in interethnic conflicts wherein members of minority communities are perpetrators and the victims are members of the majority communities. the fifth is institutional discrimination through the systematic underpolicing of hate crimes.”
Boyer, M. M., Aaldering, L., & Lecheler, S.. (2022). Motivated Reasoning in Identity Politics: Group Status as a Moderator of Political Motivations. Political Studies
“Western democracies are increasingly defined by identity politics, where politics appeals to both political and other social identities. consequently, political information processing should depend not just on political identity, but also on other identities, such as gender, race, or sexuality. for any given issue, we argue that the extent to which reasoning is motivated by one’s political identity depends on citizens’ group status in other relevant identities, that is, that political identity more strongly motivates high-status group members than low-status group members for issues of identity politics. a survey experiment (n = 1012) concerning a gender quota policy shows that political identity motivates men more strongly than women, leading to political polarization between left-wing and right-wing men, but not women. this suggests that political motivated reasoning should be addressed differently in situations of identity politics, and urges the consideration of group status as a conditional factor of motivated reasoning.”
Dunn, S.. (2021). Identity politics, justice, and the quest for solidarity. Soundings
“This article situates arguments against identity politics within a broader context of philosophical and political arguments about identity and the subject. one pervasive argument is that identity politics is a key factor working against social solidarity in a pluralistic democracy. in order to contest this claim, i use the work of feminist theorists who address a persistent bias against collective identity in western philosophical thought. finally, i argue that the practice of social solidarity requires not jettisoning identity, but re-conceptualizing identity in terms of narrative, which can serve as a basis for understanding one’s moral responsibility to others.”
Lim, E.. (2021). Personal Identity Economics: Facebook and the Distortion of Identity Politics. Social Media and Society
“This article examines facebook’s role in the treatment of marginalized identity as currency. recent examples of solidarity statements and corporate social responsibility rhetoric treat disenfranchised racial and gender identities as value-added competitive market quantities to boost brands. this trend also incentivizes marginalized actors to capitalize on their own disenfranchisement in pursuit of visibility and career advancement. the resulting identity politicking replaces communal care, grassroots social ties, solidarity, and interdependence with isolating market competition. this article diverges from scholars who trouble the differential value of identity—by troubling the valuation of identity itself. facebook normalizes identity as private property in what i call a transition from identity politics to ‘personal identity economics.’ i coin this concept and break it down into the following four factors: (1) the optimization of difference beginning in the 1970s, (2) facebook’s algorithmic invasion of market logic into intimate aspects of life starting in the mid 2000s, (3) ads manager’s economization of identity into legible economic units, and (4) neoliberal corporate social responsibility rhetoric of ‘social good’ as a profitable asset.”
Fukuyama, F.. (2018). Against Identity Politics. Foreign Affairs
Show/hide publication abstract
“Democratic societies are fracturing into segments based on ever-narrower identities, threatening the possibility of deliberation and collective action by society as a whole. unless liberal democracies can work their way back to more universal understandings of human dignity, they will doom themselves—and the world—to continuing conflict.”
Churchwell, S.. (2019). America’s {Original} {Identity} {Politics}. The New York Review of Books
Show/hide publication abstract
“We hear a great deal these days about the right’s hostility to ‘identity politics.’ in this framing, the election of 2016 was a populist backlash of ordinary voters against an aberrant left too concerned with narrow questions about niche groups and out of touch with the troubles of middle americans. the good news is that it simply isn’t true that identity politics represents the end of america or of liberal democracy. nor is it true that identity politics began on the left, or that the klan was america’s first ‘identity movement.’ the only thing new about ‘the omnipresent rhetoric of identity’ is the voices that have been added to it, reshaping it in ways that alarm and affront those who used to be its sole authors. but it was always omnipresent.”
Khedir, H. H.. (2022). Not to mislead peace: on the demise of identity politics in Iraq. Third World Quarterly
“By drawing on theories of transition to democracy, social value shifts and recent studies on iraqi politics and society, this article offers a critical standpoint on the alleged demise/death of identity politics in iraq. the article suggests that the sort of societal transformation that is indispensable to the demise of ‘aggressive sectarianism’, ethnic nationalism and the oppression of minority groups has not yet occurred. any value changes favouring the consolidation of citizenship values and the formation of an iraqi identity require, among other conditions, a stable, sustainable and steady move towards democratisation, good governance and a broader, often lengthy, process of social and economic transformations. the article therefore contends that any attempt at peace in the country necessitates addressing peace as (1) a fundamental matter of governance and (2) an everyday practice in the local terrain. regarding state-building and governance, the article suggests that ‘rectifying’ the post-2003 trend may have adverse consequences should the process run in the direction of retreat from democracy and a rigid re-centralisation of the country. while iraq’s ‘the local’, increasingly vibrant, its constructive impacts on formal politics and peacebuilding, remain uncertain.”
Ilmonen, K.. (2019). Identity politics revisited: On Audre Lorde, intersectionality, and mobilizing writing styles. European Journal of Women’s Studies
“‘Intersectionality’ has taken on a complex position in the field of feminist scholarship over the last decade. debate on the concept has swung back and forth, from buzzword to harsh critique. amid these discussions, many feminist scholars have thought about audre lorde and the role of her writings in the debates over intersectionality. lorde’s radical literary feminism has often been seen both as reflecting a politics of identity, on the one hand, and as shifting and situational, on the other. intersectionality has also been claimed either to be recycling the ideas of identity politics or to be forging new ways to grasp decentered identity positions and power structures. this article aims to tell a story about the roots of intersectionality through – and alongside – the legacy of lorde’s feminism, by revisiting certain identity-political ideas. the radical nature of lorde’s thinking is in many ways connected to politicized writing styles and rebellious literary forms. the main focus in this article is therefore extended to cover the role and implications of radical writing styles for intersectionality. the article argues that the oeuvre of telling the story of intersectionality through lorde’s feminism opens up a new perspective on the genealogy of intersectionality.”
Rudwick, S.. (2018). Language, Africanisation, and Identity Politics at a South African University. Journal of Language, Identity and Education
“After centuries of ‘eurocentric’ linguistic ideology, the south african government has formulated african language development and multilingualism as one priority in the education system. while only english, and decreasingly afrikaans, are the only ‘established’ languages of instruction at tertiary level, most universities in the country have revised their language policies in order to show commitment to south africa’s evident multilingualism. this article provides a critical analysis of particular language and identity politics in one of the leading tertiary institutions of the country. the theoretical framework is based on a critical sociolinguistic approach that draws attention to polarizing identity politics in relation to language policy, planning and implementation. methodologically grounded in ethnography, the article has a two-fold perspective. first, it analyses particular language policy rhetoric at the university on focus and argues that its essentialist approach to africanisation triggers contested identity politics. second, the article provides insights into the developments of specific implementations, pointing to ideological as well as practical challenges at the university on focus.”
Moran, M.. (2018). Identity and identity politics: A cultural-materialist history. Historical Materialism
“This paper draws on the cultural-materialist paradigm articulated by raymond williams to offer a radical historicisation of identity and identity-politics in capitalist societies. a keywords analysis reveals surprisingly that identity, as it is elaborated in the familiar categories of personal and social identity, is a relatively novel concept in western thought, politics and culture. the claim is not the standard one that people’s ‘identities’ became more important and apparent in advanced capitalist societies, but that identity itself came to operate as a new and key mechanism for construing, shaping and narrating experiences of selfhood and grouphood in this period. from a cultural-materialist perspective, the emergence and evolution of this idea of identity can only be properly understood in relation to the social contexts of its use, namely, the new contexts of consumption of capitalist societies, and the development of new forms of group-based struggle from the 1960s. what the analysis shows is that it was the commercialisation and politicisation of older essentialist understandings of selfhood and grouphood in these contexts that has given rise to the concepts of personal and social identity as we know them today. by exploring the material conditions that have given rise to the contemporary powerful attachment to ‘identity’, this paper offers a new point of departure from which to pursue many issues of concern to critical theorists and radical activists today, including the conflict over identity politics in radical circles, the historical and social processes behind their development and at least partial co-option, and their relation to neoliberal political-economic formations today.”
Orjuela, C.. (2014). Corruption and identity politics in divided societies. Third World Quarterly
“Scholars and news media generally name facebook’s two central problems: that its data collection practices are a threat to user privacy, and that stricter regulations are required to prevent ‘bad actor’ from spreading hate and disinformation. however separating these two concerns—personal data collection and bad actors—overlooks the way that one generates the other. first, this article builds on critical race scholarship to examine how identity politics are historically distorted and commodified into profitable vigilance and intolerance, in what i call a transition from identity politics, to personal identity economics. facebook’s ad manager, for example, reveals how personal identities are itemized as advertising assets, which are cultivated through deeper, more trenchant identity politics. second, this article theorizes about what makes such staunch, intolerant identity politics addictive. drawing on max weber’s theories of the protestant ethic, this article explores how facebook activism thrives on deep-rooted christian paradigms of dogma, virtue, redemption, and piety. as dogmatic personal identity economics spread across the globe, they testify to how facebook’s business model manufactures bad actors.”
Prianti, D. D.. (2019). The Identity Politics of Masculinity as a Colonial Legacy. Journal of Intercultural Studies
“Prior to dutch colonization, there was a clear distinction between men and women in indonesia. however, the hierarchical structure between these gender categories is part and parcel of the colonial legacy. masculinity was first introduced in indonesia during the dutch colonial period as a repudiation from femininity. this signaled a significant shift, as previously being modest and part of the community had been valued much more highly in indonesian society than was individuality. by asking to what extent men’s gender expectations are subject to the identity politics of masculinity, and to what extent this is reflected on indonesian popular culture specifically men’s lifestyle magazine, i intend to shed light on the incompatibility of the identity politics of masculinity with contemporary indonesian men. towards this goal, i analyse eight men’s lifestyle magazines, for they play a key role in contemporary modern societies, exposing men to generalized notions of what it means to be a ‘man’. spanning the period from the earliest men’s lifestyle magazines published in indonesia in the mid-1970s until 2015, i map contemporary narratives of masculinity in indonesian context as a reflection of the effects colonial ideologies continue to have on indonesian society and the division of gender roles.”
Kuhn, T.. (2019). Grand theories of European integration revisited: does identity politics shape the course of European integration?. Journal of European Public Policy
“In the early days of european integration, identity politics played a marginal role in what was an isolated, elite-driven, and unpoliticised integration process. things have changed dramatically, however. european integration has entered the area of mass politics, and against the backdrop of the recent crises and the brexit referendum, people’s self-understanding as (also) european or exclusively national has the potential to determine the speed and direction of european integration. this development is also reflected in theory building. while neo-functionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism paid little attention to public opinion, the conflict between collective identities and functionality is at the heart of postfunctionalist theory. this article assesses the use value of these grand theories of european integration for understanding identity politics in the european union, and embeds them in a wider discussion of scholarly research on the causes and consequences of european identity.”
Dotson, K.. (2018). On the way to decolonization in a settler colony: Re-introducing Black feminist identity politics. AlterNative
“In this paper, i explain black feminist identity politics as a practice that is ‘on the way’ to settler decolonization in a us context for the fact that it makes demands that we attend to our ‘originating’ stories and, in doing so, 1) generate potential for difficult coalitions for decolonization in settler colonial usa and 2) promoting a range of refusals (simpson 2014) that aid in resisting the completion of settler colonialism in north america, which is still an uncompleted project. ultimately, i claim black feminist identity politics, properly understood, is a practice that aids in retaining the possibility of decolonization in a settler colonial state by resisting the historical unknowing that facilitates settler futurity. it is not itself settler decolonization, but rather it is ‘on the way’ to such decolonization as it keeps open the need for decolonial futurity.”
Borup, J.. (2020). Who owns religion? Intersectionality, identity politics, and cultural appropriation in postglobal buddhism. Numen
“While historically sharing the characteristics of a universalistic religion and a modernist grand narrative, global buddhism is mainly the product of a late modern development. centripetal forces with circulating ideas, practices, and institutions have been part of a liberal market in an open exchange society with ‘open hermeneutics’ and an accessible universal grammar. its global focus has triggered de-ethnification, de-culturalization, and de-territorialization, claiming transnational universality as a central paradigm fit for a global world beyond isolationalist particularism. however, such seemingly universalist versions of a global buddhism in recent years, mainly in north america, have been criticized for actually being representations of particular cultures (e.g., ‘white buddhism’) with benefits for only particular segments. this article investigates the discourses of this new turn, involving questions of authority, authenticity, identity, cultural appropriation, and representation. it is suggested that criticism of global buddhism should be seen as typical of what could be called ‘postglobal buddhism,’ in which identity politics is a frame of reference serving as a centrifugal force, signaling a new phase in ‘western buddhism.’ the relevance for the study of religion is further discussed with reflections on how to respond to post-global religious identity politics without being consumed by either stark objectivism or subjectivist go-nativism.”
Arrieta Urtizberea, I., Seguí, J., & Roigé, X.. (2020). Folklore, museums and identity politics in Spain: 1931 to present. International Journal of Heritage Studies
“Spain is a country with a vast folklore tradition characterized by deep regional contrasts. the role of folklore museums as a nationalizing tool of the central government and by regional governments (e.g. catalan and basque) to support a diversity of projects for identity construction requires renewed analysis. examined here is the history of the museo del pueblo español (mpe), a national folklore museum created during the second republic (1931–1939) to broadcast the wealth of folkloric tradition within the country. currents of change in national politics during the 20th century have re-oriented the mpe depending on the contrasting perspectives of spanish identity that prevailed at different times in the past. in catalonia and the basque country, where identity claims have been repeatedly asserted since the 19th century, folklore heritage and its representations were seen by nationalist political movements as useful platforms to support a message of ‘difference.’ we propose to use tony bennett’s concepts of the museum as an ‘exhibitionary complex’ and ‘governmental assemblages’ to further clarify the evolution of folklore museums and their role in the development of identity politics in spain.”
Guo, D., & Hu, S.. (2019). Identity Politics and Democratic Crisis in Western Europe. Chinese Political Science Review
“This article analyzes political problems and the democratic crisis in western europe from the perspective of the rise of identity politics. it is argued that the root cause of the crisis lies in the western democracy itself. modern liberal democracy has encouraged the upsurge of active groups based primarily on their distinctive collective identities. with the rise of identity politics, antagonistic groups have struggled for recognition and expanded social divisions among the people, which has led to a representation crisis. both muslim and non-muslim citizens, immigrants and non-immigrant citizens have expressed discontent and dissatisfaction with the democratic governments in almost all western european countries, which has led to a legitimacy crisis. political parties and local governments based on regional or religious identities have mobilized mass support for their independence proposals and posed serious challenges to national unity and solidarity, which has led to a governance crisis. institutional redesign and innovation are important and imperative for overcoming these crises.”
Perry, E., Mandy, W., Hull, L., & Cage, E.. (2022). Understanding Camouflaging as a Response to Autism-Related Stigma: A Social Identity Theory Approach. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders
“Camouflaging refers to strategies used by autistic people to mask or hide social difficulties. the current study draws on social identity theory to examine the relationship between camouflaging and autism-related stigma, testing the hypothesis that camouflaging represents an individualistic strategy in response to stigma. two hundred and twenty-three autistic adults completed an online survey measuring perceived autism-related stigma, individualistic and collective strategies, camouflaging and mental wellbeing. results indicated that higher camouflaging was positively associated with autism-related stigma and both individualistic and collective strategy use. autism-related stigma was associated with lower wellbeing however this relationship was not mediated by camouflaging. these findings demonstrate how stigma contributes to camouflaging and highlight the complexities of navigating autistic identity while still camouflaging.”
Mangum, M., & Block, R.. (2018). Social identity theory and public opinion towards immigration. Social Sciences
“Several scholars have called upon social identity theory to investigate the relationship between an american national identity and american public opinion on immigration. lacking a uniform measure of american identity, by and large, scholars find that a two-dimensional conception of american identity influences these opinions. our review suggests that the extant measures of american identity do not fully account for the various aspects of social identity theory. we capture more fully the different components of social identity theory. by doing so, we find that american identity has five dimensions. therefore, in this analysis, we advance a more comprehensive measure of american identity. analyzing data from the 2004-2005 national politics survey, we confirm that all five dimensions of american identity lead to opposition to legal immigration and a preference for spending increases to combat illegal immigration.”
Davis, J. L., Love, T. P., & Fares, P.. (2019). Collective Social Identity: Synthesizing Identity Theory and Social Identity Theory Using Digital Data. Social Psychology Quarterly
“Identity theory (it) and social identity theory (sit) are eminent research programs from sociology and psychology, respectively. we test collective identity as a point of convergence between the two programs. collective identity is a subtheory of sit that pertains to activist identification. collective identity maps closely onto identity theory’s group/social identity, which refers to identification with socially situated identity categories. we propose conceptualizing collective identity as a type of group/social identity, integrating activist collectives into the identity theory model. we test this conceptualization by applying identity theory hypotheses to the ‘vegan’ identity, which is both a social category and part of an active social movement. data come from comments on two viral youtube videos about veganism. one video negates prevailing meanings of the vegan identity. a response video brings shared vegan identity meanings back into focus. identity theory predicts that nonverifying identity feedback elicits negative emotion and active behavioral response, while identity verification elicits positive emotion and an attenuated behavioral response. we test these tenets using sentiment analysis and word counts for comments across the two videos. results show support for identity theory hypotheses as applied to a collective social identity. we supplement results with qualitative analysis of video comments. the findings position collective identity as a bridge between it and sit, demonstrate innovative digital methods, and provide theoretical scaffolding for mobilization research in light of emergent technologies and diverse modes of activist participation.”
Laffan, D. A.. (2021). Positive Psychosocial Outcomes and Fanship in K-Pop Fans: A Social Identity Theory Perspective. Psychological Reports
“Korean pop culture (k-pop) has spread its influence outside of korea to a worldwide fan audience. the present study investigated the self-categorised k-pop fandom characteristics that predicted higher levels of k-pop fanship, and subsequent psychosocial outcomes. social identity theory was applied as a theoretical framework. in total, 1477 k-pop fans from 92 predominantly western countries fully completed an extensive online survey measuring fanship, fandom and psychosocial outcomes (happiness, self-esteem and social connectedness). results of this study indicated that k-pop fanship was significantly predicted by a several k-pop demographic and fandom characteristics. k-pop fanship was a significant predictor of increased happiness, self-esteem and social connectedness. the study findings advance the application of social identity theory in a k-pop fan context and the psychological fanship research more broadly.”
Stets, J. E., & Burke, P. J.. (2000). Identity theory and social identity theory. Social Psychology Quarterly
“In social psychology, we need to establish a general theory of the self, which can attend to both macro and micro processes, and which avoids the redundancies of separate theories on different aspects of the self. for this purpose, we present core components of identity theory and social identity theory and argue that although differences exist between the two theories, they are more differences in emphasis than in kind, and that linking the two theories can establish a more fully integrated view of the self. the core components we examine include the different bases of identity (category/group or role) in each of the theories, identity salience and the activation of identities as discussed in the theories, and the cognitive and motivational processes that emerge from identities based on category/group and on role. by examining the self through the lens of both identity theory and social identity theory, we see how, in combination, they can move us toward a general theory of the self.”
Scheifele, C., Ehrke, F., Viladot, M. A., Van Laar, C., & Steffens, M. C.. (2021). Testing the basic socio-structural assumptions of social identity theory in the gender context: Evidence from correlational studies on women’s leadership. European Journal of Social Psychology
“Given negative social identity, different perceptions of the structure of an intergroup relation (i.e., stability, legitimacy, permeability) should be related to different identity-management strategies (i.e., social competition, social creativity, or individual mobility) depending on group identification. this is among the basic tenets of social identity theory (sit). there is surprisingly little empirical support for these postulates in the context of one of the most central group identities: gender. using a sample of women in leadership positions in spain (n = 649), we tested relations between structural perceptions and identity-management strategies in a pilot study. structural equation modeling yielded empirical support regarding social competition, but little for social creativity or individual mobility. identity-management strategies were related to one organizational outcome (i.e., identification with the organization). the preregistered main study is intended to replicate and extend these findings using a different sample while improving several of the measures used.”
Paruzel, A., Danel, M., & Maier, G. W.. (2020). Scrutinizing Social Identity Theory in Corporate Social Responsibility: An Experimental Investigation. Frontiers in Psychology
“Corporate social responsibility (csr) is widely established by companies that aim to contribute to society and minimize their negative impact on the environment. in csr research, employees’ reactions to csr have extensively been researched. social identity theory is often used as a theoretical background to explain the relationship between csr and employee-related outcomes, but until now, a sound empirical examination is lacking, and causality remains unclear. csr can unfold its effect mainly because of three theoretically important aspects of csr initiatives, which increase identification, i.e., distinctiveness, prestige, and salience of the out-group. this study examines how far identification can explain the effect of csr on employees. in an experimental vignette study (n = 136 employees), csr was manipulated in three degrees (positive, neutral, and negative) to examine its effects on job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and organizational citizenship behavior (ocb). in the vignettes, information on distinctiveness, prestige, and salience of the out-group were presented. regression analyses showed that csr significantly predicted commitment and job satisfaction, but not ocb. we found mediation effects of csr on commitment, job satisfaction, and ocb through identification, but the effect of csr on identification explained only little variance which indicates additional underlying mechanisms. the applicability of social identity theory for explaining csr is discussed. moreover, we discuss further explaining mechanisms.”
Jansen, M. M., & Delahaij, R.. (2020). Leadership Acceptance Through the Lens of Social Identity Theory: A Case Study of Military Leadership in Afghanistan. Armed Forces and Society
“This study builds on the experiences of a dutch reconnaissance platoon deployed in afghanistan in which leadership was not accepted. setup as a qualitative single case study, this article advances our understanding of how group dynamics and contextual factors might impact the acceptance of leadership. rather than primarily focusing on the behavior of the leader, this article highlights the perspective of followers in the ranks. the study also offers empirical evidence for the potential of social identity theory as a framework within which to study leadership acceptance. the case shows that leadership acceptance is largely dependent on group processes rather than on the characteristics of leadership. additionally, it points to the importance of contextual factors. finally, it suggests that a lack of attention to in-group dynamics, and a lack of active entrepreneurship by the leader, can catalyze ‘in-group entrepreneurship.’.”
Willetts, G., & Clarke, D.. (2014). Constructing nurses’ professional identity through social identity theory. International Journal of Nursing Practice
Bochatay, N., Bajwa, N. M., Blondon, K. S., Junod Perron, N., Cullati, S., & Nendaz, M. R.. (2019). Exploring group boundaries and conflicts: a social identity theory perspective. Medical Education
“Context: in the clinical environment, health care professionals self-categorise into different groups towards which they develop positive attitudes, whereas they view other groups less favourably. social identity theory purports that these attitudes influence group processes and may foster conflicts that impede collaborative practice, although this relationship is poorly understood. this study used concepts from social identity theory to examine the interplay between group processes and conflicts, as well as the consequences of these conflicts, with the goal of identifying educational strategies to favour teamwork. methods: semi-structured interviews with 82 randomly selected physicians and nursing professionals working at a swiss academic medical centre explored participants’ experiences of conflicts. data analysis was informed by social identity theory and focused on interviews where group processes were highlighted by participants. the analysis sought to uncover how group processes were intertwined with conflicts and how they affected health care professionals. results: a total of 42 participants out of the initial pool of 82 interviews shared 52 stories of conflicts involving group processes. most of these stories were shared by physicians and involved groups of physicians at different hierarchical levels. conflicts and group processes were linked in two ways: (i) through processes of group membership when individuals struggled to join a relevant group, and (ii) through intergroup boundaries, such as when participants perceived that power differentials disadvantaged their own groups. conflicts could lead to difficult experiences for clinicians who questioned their abilities, became disillusioned with their professional ideals and developed negative perceptions of other groups. conclusions: this study suggests that conflicts involving group processes may lead to stronger intergroup boundaries, challenging current educational efforts to favour teamwork in health care. taking steps to create more inclusive groups and to encourage perspective taking may help manage intergroup conflict.”
Edwards, C., Edwards, A., Stoll, B., Lin, X., & Massey, N.. (2019). Evaluations of an artificial intelligence instructor’s voice: Social Identity Theory in human-robot interactions. Computers in Human Behavior
“This study employs the computers are social actors (casa) paradigm to extend the predictions of social identity theory (sit) to human-robot interaction (hri) in the context of instructional communication. sit posits that individuals gain a sense of personal worth from the groups with which they identify. previous research has demonstrated that age group identification is meaningful to individuals’ self-concepts. results demonstrated that higher age identified students rated the older a.i. voice instructor (representing an out-group member) higher for credibility and social presence and reported more motivation to learn than those students with low age identification. implications are discussed for sit and design features of computerized voices.”
Awuor, D. C.. (2021). Understanding black-african international students’ experiences in united states colleges and universities through social identity theory. Journal of International Students
“In this research in brief, tajfel’s (1970) social identity theory is explained and examined as potentially useful for analyzing the experiences of black-african international students in u. s. colleges and universities. race has been and still is a major issue in the united states. through a review of literature, i sought to find out how black-african international students’ race affected their experiences in the united states.”
Hogg, M. A., Terry, D. J., & White, K. M.. (1995). A Tale of Two Theories: A Critical Comparison of Identity Theory with Social Identity Theory. Social Psychology Quarterly
“Identity theory and social identity theory are two remarkably similar perspectives an the dynamic mediation of the socially constructed self between individual behavior and social structure. yet there is almost no systematic communication between these two perspectivies; they occupy parallel but separate universes. this article describes both theories, summarizes their similarities, critically discusses their differences, and outlines some research directions. against a background of metatheoretical similarity, we find marked differences in terms of 1) level of analysis, 2) the role of intergroup behavior, 3) the relationship between roles and groups, and 4) salience of social context and identity. differences can be traced largely to the microsociological roots of identity theory and the psychological roots of social identity theory. identity theory may be more effective in dealing with chronic identities and with interpersonal social interaction, while social identity theory may be more useful in txploring intergroup dimens1-ons and in specifying the sociocognitive genermive details of identity dynamics.”
Whitaker, M. C.. (2020). Us and Them: Using Social Identity Theory to Explain and Re-envision Teacher–Student Relationships in Urban Schools. Urban Review
“Within a framework of social identity theory (sit), this paper utilizes social cognitive psychological theories to explain how and why white urban teachers often struggle to create loving spaces in urban classrooms, particularly when their students are from social groups different from their own. social categorization theory is useful for describing how the sociocultural context of urban schools and schooling created and sustains the archetypal teacher savior identity. social identity theories of intergroup behavior and organizational role theory are employed to explicate how the group norms of teacher saviors describe and prescribe pedagogical practices that create a hierarchy between teachers and students, leaving little room for warmth and caring. finally, guided by howard’s (we can’t teach what we don’t know: white teachers, multiracial schools, 2nd edn. teachers college press, new york, 2016) concept of a transformationist teacher identity, i offer suggestions for how teacher educators can help preservice teachers cultivate positive teacher–student relationships in their future classrooms by knowing themselves, knowing their students, and knowing their practice. ultimately, sit suggests that urban teachers must be metacognitive about the ways in which their identities are constructed and enacted in schools if they are to care about and for their diverse students.”
Hogg, M. A.. (2001). A social identity theory of leadership. Personality and Social Psychology Review
“A social identity theory of leadership is described that views leadership as a group process generated by social categorization and prototype-based depersonalization processes associated with social identity. group identification, as self-categorization, constructs an intragroup prototypicality gradient that invests the most prototypical member with the appearance of having influence; the appearance arises because members cognitively and behaviorally conform to the prototype. the appearance of influence becomes a reality through depersonalized social attraction processes that make followers agree and comply with the leader’s ideas and suggestions. consensual social attraction also imbues the leader with apparent status and creates a status-based structural differentiation within the group into leader(s) and followers, which has characteristics of unequal status intergroup relations. in addition, a fundamental attribution process constructs a charismatic leadership personality for the leader, which further empowers the leader and sharpens the leader-follower status differential. empirical support for the theory is reviewed and a range of implications discussed, including intergroup dimensions, uncertainty reduction and extremism, power, and pitfalls of prototype-based leadership.”
Ambrose, S. C., Matthews, L. M., & Rutherford, B. N.. (2018). Cross-functional teams and social identity theory: A study of sales and operations planning (S&OP). Journal of Business Research
“Achieving proper levels of integration across functional boundaries is a major challenge for firms. rigorous cross-functional planning processes have arisen within companies in hopes of achieving greater levels of integration. sales and operations planning is one such process designed to help companies better align customer demand with product supply. yet, achieving success with such supply chain processes has continued to elude many firms. this research applies social identity theory to the study of sales and operations planning to see if fostering superordinate identity can help integration efforts in this unique cross-functional team setting. results confirm the importance of superordinate team identity in achieving sales and operations planning performance. furthermore, factors that support superordinate identity formation among teams are identified and discussed.”
Guan, M., & So, J.. (2016). Influence of Social Identity on Self-Efficacy Beliefs Through Perceived Social Support: A Social Identity Theory Perspective. Communication Studies
“While much research documents the influence of self-efficacy on enactment of health behaviors, relatively less attention has been given to the factors that influence self-efficacy. to enhance our understanding of the various sources of self-efficacy, this study integrated social identity theory into this context and proposed and tested a model, which describes a process through which social identity can influence self-efficacy of engaging in health-related behaviors. consistent with the proposed meditational model, the findings showed that individuals who had stronger social identity with a given social group perceived greater social support from the group, which in turn predicted higher self-efficacy of engaging in a health-related behavior advocated by the group, and ultimately predicted greater behavioral intention. theoretical and practical implications are discussed.”
Hornsey, M. J.. (2008). Social Identity Theory and Self-categorization Theory: A Historical Review. Social and Personality Psychology Compass
“The social identity approach (comprising social identity theory and self-categorization theory) is a highly influential theory of group processes and intergroup relations, having redefined how we think about numerous group-mediated phenomena. since its emergence in the early 1970s, the social identity approach has been elaborated, re-interpreted, and occasionally misinterpreted. the goal of this paper is to provide a critical, historical review of how thinking and research within the social identity approach has evolved. the core principles of the theories are reviewed and discussed, and their effect on the field assessed. strengths and limitations of the approach are discussed, with an eye to future developments.”
Ferguson, M. A., & Ford, T. E.. (2008). Disparagement humor: A theoretical and empirical review of psychoanalytic, superiority, and social identity theories. Humor
“Interest in the concept of identity has grown exponentially within both the humanities and social sciences, but the discussion of identity has had less impact than might be expected on the quantitative study of political behavior in general and on political psychology more specifically. one of the approaches that holds the most promise for political psychologists is social identity theory, as reflected in the thinking of henri tajfel, john turner, and colleagues. although the theory addresses the kinds of problems of interest to political psychologists, it has had limited impact on political psychology because of social identity theorists’ disinclination to examine the sources of social identity in a real world complicated by history and culture. in this review, four key issues are examined that hinder the successful application of social identity theory to political phenomena. these key issues are the existence of identity choice, the subjective meaning of identities, gradations in identity strength, and the considerable stability of many social and political identities.”
Pan, N. D., Gruber, M., & Binder, J.. (2019). Painting with All the Colors: The Value of Social Identity Theory for Understanding Social Entrepreneurship. Academy of Management Review
“Building on the emerging body of research on founder identity, wry and york (2017) elaborate how an identity-based approach has the potential to extend our knowledge of opportunity identification in social entrepreneurship. in particular, the authors draw on role identity theory (stryker & burke, 2000) and research on personal identity (hitlin, 2003) to study hybrid identities within single individuals. while role and personal identity are useful constructs for studying entrepreneurial behavior, we are concerned about the foregone opportunity to use social identity theory for advancing our knowledge of social entrepreneurs as enterprising individuals, social venture creation processes, and related outcomes. indeed, in this commentary, we argue that social identity theory holds more potential – than either role or personal identity theory – for analyzing the rich ‘other-oriented’ behavior that is at the heart of social entrepreneurship.”
Seering, J., Ng, F., Yao, Z., & Kaufman, G.. (2018). Applications of social identity theory to research and design in social computing. Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction
“Research in computer-supported cooperative work has historically focused on behaviors of individuals at scale, using frames of interpersonal interaction such as goffman’s theories of self-presentation. these frames prioritize research detailing the characteristics, personal identities, and behaviors of large numbers of interacting individuals, while the social identity concepts that lead to intra- and inter-group dynamics have received far less attention. we argue that the emergent properties of self-categorization and social identity, which are particularly fluid and complex in online spaces, provide a complementary perspective with which to re-examine traditional topics in social computing. we discuss the applicability of the social identity perspective to both established and new research domains in cscw, proposing alternative perspectives on self-presentation, social support, collaboration, misbehavior, and leadership. we propose a set of methodological considerations derived from this body of theories and accompanying empirical work. we close by considering how broad concepts and lessons from social identity provide a valuable lens for inspiring future work in cscw.”
Raskovic, M., & Takacs-Haynes, K.. (2020). (Re)discovering social identity theory: an agenda for multinational enterprise internalization theory. Multinational Business Review
“Purpose: firm internalization is a central concept within the business strategy literature, as part of the broader social sciences. the purpose of this paper is to show how and where mne internalization theory can benefit from a social identity theory (sit) perspective to better understand 21st-century multinational enterprises (mnes). design/methodology/approach: this paper provides a review and future research agenda for the use of sit related to mne internalization theory. the authors complement an evolutionary review of sit literature with a systematic bibliometric analysis identifying specific thematic gaps. extending buckley and casson’s review of and future research agenda for mne internalization theory, the authors propose three specific future research directions along with eight guiding research questions. findings: international business (ib) scholars are familiar with limited aspects of sit and apply it only in certain research areas, mainly connected to human resource management and leadership, organizational identity and work-related outcomes or international marketing. strategic management and strategy-oriented ib scholars are less familiar with sit, despite growing interest in mne micro-foundations and decision-making under uncertainty. originality/value: the authors position sit as a natural meta-theoretical fit to mne internalization theory. by providing a future research agenda along with eight supporting research questions, the authors help to advance the mne internalization theory by linking individual, group and intergroup perspectives against a more socially nuanced, interactionist and dynamic view of mnes and their decision-making.”
Lam, S. K., Ahearne, M., Hu, Y., & Schillewaert, N.. (2010). Resistance to brand switching when a radically new brand is introduced: A social identity theory perspective. Journal of Marketing
Consumer Behavior and Advertising Involvement: Selected Works of Herbert E. Krugman (Marketing and Consumer Psychology Series)
This book is an honor to the many important contributions of Herbert Krugman, past president of APA (American Psychological Association), The Division of Consumer Psychology and The Association for Public Opinions Research. This reader contains his selected works in Consumer Behavior and Advertising which combine insights from Cognitive Psychology, Social Psychology and Survey Methodology. William Wells, University of Minnesota, has provided the foreword and section overviews for the book which will help it appeal to all academics and students of consumer research.
“The fact that TV is a source not actively or critically attended to was made dramatically evident in the late 1960s by an experiment that rocked the world of political and product advertising and forever changed the ways in which the television medium would be used. The results of the experiment still reverberate through the industry long after its somewhat primitive methods have been perfected.
“In November 1969, a researcher named Herbert Krugman, who later became manager of public-opinion research at General Electric headquarters in Connecticut, decided to try to discover what goes on physiologically in the brain of a person watching TV. He elicited the co-operation of a twenty-two-year-old secretary and taped a single electrode to the back of her head. The wire from this electrode connected to a Grass Model 7 Polygraph, which in turn interfaced with a Honeywell 7600 computer and a CAT 400B computer.
“Flicking on the TV, Krugman began monitoring the brain-waves of the subject What he found through repeated trials was that within about thirty seconds, the brain-waves switched from predominantly beta waves, indicating alert and conscious attention, to predominantly alpha waves, indicating an unfocused, receptive lack of attention: the state of aimless fantasy and daydreaming below the threshold of consciousness. When Krugman’s subject turned to reading through a magazine, beta waves reappeared, indicating that conscious and alert attentiveness had replaced the daydreaming state.
“What surprised Krugman, who had set out to test some McLuhanesque hypotheses about the nature of TV-viewing, was how rapidly the alpha-state emerged. Further research revealed that the brain’s left hemisphere, which processes information logically and analytically, tunes out while the person is watching TV. This tuning-out allows the right hemisphere of the brain, which processes information emotionally and noncritically, to function unimpeded. ‘It appears,’ wrote Krugman in a report of his findings, ‘that the mode of response to television is more or less constant and very different from the response to print. That is, the basic electrical response of the brain is clearly to the medium and not to content difference…. [Television is] a communication medium that effortlessly transmits huge quantities of information not thought about at the time of exposure.’
“Soon, dozens of agencies were engaged in their own research into the television-brain phenomenon and its implications. The findings led to a complete overhaul in the theories, techniques, and practices that had structured the advertising industry and, to an extent, the entire television industry. The key phrase in Krugman’s findings was that TV transmits ‘information not thought about at the time of exposure.'” [p.p. 69-70]
“As Herbert Krugman noted in the research that transformed the industry, we do not consciously or rationally attend to the material resonating with our unconscious depths at the time of transmission. Later, however, when we encounter a store display, or a real-life situation like one in an ad, or a name on a ballot that conjures up our television experience of the candidate, a wealth of associations is triggered. Schwartz explains: ‘The function of a display in the store is to recall the consumer’s experience of the product in the commercial…. You don’t ask for a product: The product asks for you! That is, a person’s recall of a commercial is evoked by the product itself, visible on a shelf or island display, interacting with the stored data in his brain.’ Just as in Julian Jaynes’s ancient cultures, where the internally heard speech of the gods was prompted by props like the corpse of a chieftain or a statue, so, too, our internalized media echoes are triggered by products, props, or situations in the environment.
“As real-life experience is increasingly replaced by the mediated ‘experience’ of television-viewing, it becomes easy for politicians and market-researchers of all sorts to rely on a base of mediated mass experience that can be evoked by appropriate triggers. The TV ‘world’ becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy: the mass mind takes shape, its participants acting according to media-derived impulses and believing them to be their own personal volition arising out of their own desires and needs. In such a situation, whoever controls the screen controls the future, the past, and the present.” [p. 82, Joyce Nelson, THE PERFICT MACHINE; New Society Pub., 1992, 800-253-3605; ISBN 0-86571-235-2
Source: www.modeemi.fi/~no/page24.html
Further References
Krugman, H. E.. (1977). Public Attitudes toward the Apollo Space Program, 1965–1975. Journal of Communication, 27(4), 87–93.
“A new device that measures changes in pupil diameter while subjects view advertisements, packages, etc., offers promise of becoming a powerful tool for studying the interest-arousing qualities of stimuli. encouraging evidence of the reliability and validity of this device has been found in a series of studies —two of which are described in this article.”
Krugman, H. E.. (1966). White and Negro Responses to Package Designs. Journal of Marketing Research, 3(2), 199.
Krugman, H. E.. (1983). Television program interest and commercial interruption. Journal of Advertising Research
Show/hide publication abstract
“Examines the correlation between effectiveness of an interrupting commercial and the popularity level of the subsequent television (tv) program. need to distinguish between viewer opinion and impact of commercial on viewers; analysis of type of tv shows and their impact value.”
Krugman, H. E.. (1965). The Impact of Television Advertising: Learning Without Involvement. Public Opinion Quarterly, 29(3), 349.
DDT (dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane) was developed as the first of the modern synthetic insecticides in the 1940s. It was initially used with great effect to combat malaria, typhus, and the other insect-borne human diseases among both military and civilian populations (including “mass-spraying” on children – see video below). Toxicological studies demonstrate that DDT has numerous adverse effects (see references below).
Further References
Epstein, S. S.. (1972). Letters to the Editor. Science, 177(4047), 388–388.
Hawkey, A. B., Holloway, Z., Dean, C., Koburov, R., Slotkin, T. A., Seidler, F. J., & Levin, E. D.. (2021). Neurobehavioral anomalies in zebrafish after sequential exposures to DDT and chlorpyrifos in adulthood: Do multiple exposures interact?. Neurotoxicology and Teratology, 87, 106985.
“A sequence of different classes of synthetic insecticides have been used over the past 70 years. over this period, the widely-used organochlorines were eventually replaced by organophosphates, with dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (ddt) and chlorpyrifos (cpf) as the principal prototypes. considerable research has characterized the risks of ddt and cpf individually, but little is known about the toxicology of transitioning from one class of insecticides to another, as has been commonplace for agricultural and pest control workers. this study used adult zebrafish to investigate neurobehavioral toxicity following 5-week chronic exposure to either ddt or cpf, to or their sequential exposure (ddt for 5 weeks followed by cpf for 5 weeks). at the end of the exposure period, a subset of fish were analyzed for brain cholinesterase activity. behavioral effects were initially assessed one week following the end of the cpf exposure and again at 14 months of age using a behavioral test battery covering sensorimotor responses, anxiety-like functions, predator avoidance and social attraction. adult insecticide exposures, individually or sequentially, were found to modulate multiple behavioral features, including startle responsivity, social approach, predator avoidance, locomotor activity and novel location recognition and avoidance. locomotor activity and startle responsivity were each impacted to a greater degree by the sequential exposures than by individual compounds, with the latter being pronounced at the early (1-week post exposure) time point, but not 3–4 months later in aging. social approach responses were similarly impaired by the sequential exposure as by cpf-alone at the aging time point. fleeing responses in the predator test showed flee-enhancing effects of both compounds individually versus controls, and no additive impact of the two following sequential exposure. each compound was also associated with changes in recognition or avoidance patterns in a novel place recognition task in late adulthood, but sequential exposures did not enhance these phenotypes. the potential for chemical x chemical interactions did not appear related to changes in cpf metabolism to the active oxon, as prior ddt exposure did not affect the cholinesterase inhibition resulting from cpf. this study shows that the effects of chronic adult insecticide exposures may be relevant to behavioral health initially and much later in life, and that the effects of sequential exposures may b…”
Krzastek, S. C., Farhi, J., Gray, M., & Smith, R. P.. (2020). Impact of environmental toxin exposure on male fertility potential. Translational Andrology and Urology, 9(6), 2797–2813.
“Idiopathic infertility is the most common individual diagnosis in male infertility, representing nearly 44% of cases. research studies dating over the last half-century consistently demonstrate a decline in male fertility that is incompletely explained by obesity, known genetic causes, or diet and lifestyle changes alone. human exposures have changed dramatically over the same time course as this fertility decline. synthetic chemicals surround us. some are benevolent; however, many are known to cause disruption of the hypothalamic-pituitary-gonadal axis and impair spermatogenesis. more than 80,000 chemicals are registered with the united states national toxicology program and nearly 2,000 new chemicals are introduced each year. many of these are known toxins, such as phthalates, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, aromatic amines, and organophosphate esters, and have been banned or significantly restricted by other countries as they carry known carcinogenic effects and are reproductively toxic. in the united states, many of these chemicals are still permissible in exposure levels known to cause reproductive harm. this contrasts to other chemical regulatory legislature, such as the european union’s reach (registration, evaluation, authorization and restriction of chemicals) regulations which are more comprehensive and restrictive. quantification of these diverse exposures on an individual level has proven challenging, although forthcoming technologies may soon make this data available to consumers. establishing causality and the proportion of idiopathic infertility attributable to environmental toxin exposures remains elusive, however, continued investigation, avoidance of exposure, and mitigation of risk is essential to our reproductive health. the aim of this review is to examine the literature linking changes in male fertility to some of the most common environmental exposures. specifically, pesticides and herbicides such as dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (ddt), dibromochloropropane (dbcp), organophosphates and atrazine, endocrine disrupting compounds including plastic compounds phthalates and bisphenol a (bpa), heavy metals, natural gas/oil, non-ionizing radiation, air and noise pollution, lifestyle factors including diet, obesity, caffeine use, smoking, alcohol and drug use, as well as commonly prescribed medications will be discussed.”
Russell, P. F.. (1972). DDT Toxicology. Science, 177(4047), 387–388.
Persson, E. C., Graubard, B. I., Evans, A. A., London, W. T., Weber, J.-P., LeBlanc, A., … McGlynn, K. A.. (2012). Dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane and risk of hepatocellular carcinoma. International Journal of Cancer, 131(9), 2078–2084.
Oliver, S. V., & Brooke, B. D.. (2013). The effect of larval nutritional deprivation on the life history and DDT resistance phenotype in laboratory strains of the malaria vector Anopheles arabiensis. Malaria Journal, 12(1), 44.
“Due to uncontrolled use for several decades, dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (ddt), probably the best known and most useful insecticide in the world, has damaged wildlife and might have negative effects on human health. this review gives a brief history of the use of ddt in various countries and presents the results of epidemiologic and experimental studies of carcinogenesis. even though its use has been prohibited in most countries for ecologic considerations, mainly because of its negative impact on wildlife, it is still used in some developing countries for essential public health purposes, and it is still produced for export in at least three countries. due to its stability and its capacity to accumulate in adipose tissue, it is found in human tissues, and there is now not a single living organism on the planet that does not contain ddt. the possible contribution of ddt to increasing the risks for cancers at various sites and its possible role as an endocrine disruptor deserve further investigation. although there is convincing experimental evidence for the carcinogenicity of ddt and of its main metabolites dde and ddd, epidemiologic studies have provided contrasting or inconclusive, although prevailingly negative, results. the presence and persistence of ddt and its metabolites worldwide are still problems of great relevance to public health. efficient pesticides that do not have the negative properties of ddt, together with the development of alternative methods to fight malaria, should be sought with the goal of completely banning ddt.”
Booij, P., Holoubek, I., Klánová, J., Kohoutek, J., Dvorská, A., Magulová, K., … Čupr, P.. (2016). Current implications of past DDT indoor spraying in Oman. Science of The Total Environment, 550, 231–240.
“In oman, ddt was sprayed indoors during an intensive malaria eradication program between 1976 and 1992. ddt can remain for years after spraying and is associated with potential health risk. this raises the concern for human exposure in areas where ddt was used for indoor spraying. twelve houses in three regions with a different history of ddt indoor spraying were chosen for a sampling campaign in 2005 to determine p,p’-dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (p,p’-ddt), p,p’-dichlorodiphenyldichloroethylene (p,p’-dde) and p,p’-dichlorodiphenyldichloroethane (p,p’-ddd) levels in indoor air, dust, and outdoor soil. although ddt was only sprayed indoor, p,p’-ddt, p,p’-dde and p,p’-ddd were also found in outdoor soil. the results indicate that release and exposure continue for years after cessation of spraying. the predicted cancer risk based on concentrations determined in 2005, indicate that there was still a significant cancer risk up to 13 to 16 years after indoor ddt spraying. a novel approach, based on region-specific half-lives, was used to predict concentrations in 2015 and showed that more than 21. years after spraying, cancer risk for exposure to indoor air, dust, and outdoor soil are acceptable in oman for adults and young children. the model can be used for other locations and countries to predict prospective exposure of contaminants based on indoor experimental measurements and knowledge about the spraying time-schedule to extrapolate region-specific half-lives and predict effects on the human population years after spraying.”
Rosner, D., & Markowitz, G.. (2013). Persistent pollutants: A brief history of the discovery of the widespread toxicity of chlorinated hydrocarbons. Environmental Research, 120, 126–133.
Abstract:
The experiments here described were performed on an island in Boston Harbor, on volunteers obtained from the Navy. The work was conducted by a group of officers detailed for that purpose, from the U. S. Navy and the U. S. Public Health Service, consisting of Dr. G. W. McCoy, director of the Hygienic Library, Dr. Joseph Goldberger, Dr. Leake, and Dr. Lake, all on the part of the U. S. Public Health Service; and cooperating with those medical officers, was a group also detailed for this purpose on the part of the U. S. Navy, consisting of Dr. J. J. Keegan, Dr. De Wayne Richey and myself.
The work itself was conducted at Gallops Island, which is the quarantine station of the Port of Boston, and peculiarly well fitted for operations of this kind, serving adequately for the purposes of isolation, observations, and maintenance of the large group of volunteers
—
Excerpt:
“The volunteers were all of the most susceptible age, mostly between 18 and 25, only a few of them around 30 years old ; and all were in good physical condition. None of these volunteers, 100 all told in number, had “influenza ;” that is, from the most care¬ ful histories that we could elicit, they gave no account of a febrile attack of any kind during the winter, except a few who were purposely selected, as having shown a typical attack of influenza, in order to test questions of immunity, and for the purpose of control. Now, we proceeded rather cautiously at first by administering a pure culture of bacillus of influenza, Pfeiffer’s bacillus, in a rather moderate amount, into the nostrils of a few of these volunteers. These early experiments I will not stop to relate, but I will go at once to what I may call our Experiment 1.”
***
As the preliminary trials proved negative, we became bolder, and selecting nineteen of our volunteers, gave each one of them a very large quantity of a mixture of thirteen different strains of the Pfeiffer bacillus, some of them obtained recently from the lungs at necropsy; others were subcultures of varying age, and each of the thirteen had, of course, a different history. Suspensions of these organisms were sprayed with an atomi¬ zer into the nose and into the eyes, and back into the throat, while the volunteers were breathing in. We used some billions of these organisms, according to our estimated counts, on each one of the volunteers, but none of them took sick. Then we proceeded to transfer the virus obtained from cases of the disease ; that is, we collected the material and mucous secretions of the mouth and nose and throat and bronchi from cases of the disease and transferred this to our volunteers. We always obtained this material in the same way : The patient with fever, in bed, has a large, shallow, traylike arrangement before him or her, and we washed out one nostril with some sterile salt solution, using perhaps 5 ce., which is allowed to run into this tray ; and that nostril is blown vigorously into the tray. This is repeated with the other nostril. The patient then gargles with some of the solution. Next we obtain some bronchial mucus through coughing, and then we swab the mucous surface of each nares and also the mucous membrane of the throat. We place these swabs with the material in a bottle with glass beads, and add all the material obtained in the tray. This is the stuff we transfer to our volunteers. In this par¬ ticular experiment, in which we used ten volunteers, each of them received a comparatively small quantity of this, about 1 c.c. sprayed into each nostril and into the throat, while inspiring, and on the eye. None of these took sick. Some of the same material was fil¬ tered and instilled into other volunteers but produced no results.
***
Our next experiment consisted in injections of blood. We took five donors, five cases of influenza in the febrile stage, some of them again quite early in the disease. We drew 20 ‘c.c. from the arm vein of each, making a total of 100 c.c, which was mixed and treated with 1 per cent, of sodium citrate. Ten c.c. of the citrated whole blood were injected into each of the ten volunteers. None of them took sick in any way. Then we collected a lot of mucous material from the upper respiratory tract, and filtered ‘ it through Man- dler filters. While these filters will hold back the bacteria of ordinary size, they will allow “ultramicro- scopic” organisms to pass. This filtrate was injected into ten volunteers, each one receiving 3.5 c.c. sub- cutaneously, and none of these took sick in any way.
“Perhaps the most interesting epidemiological studies conducted during the 1918–1919 pandemic were the human experiments conducted by the Public Health Service and the U.S. Navy under the supervision of Milton Rosenau on Gallops Island, the quarantine station in Boston Harbor, and on Angel Island, its counterpart in San Francisco. The experiment began with 100 volunteers from the Navy who had no history of influenza. Rosenau was the first to report on the experiments conducted at Gallops Island in November and December 1918.69 His first volunteers received first one strain and then several strains of Pfeiffer’s bacillus by spray and swab into their noses and throats and then into their eyes. When that procedure failed to produce disease, others were inoculated with mixtures of other organisms isolated from the throats and noses of influenza patients. Next, some volunteers received injections of blood from influenza patients. Finally, 13 of the volunteers were taken into an influenza ward and exposed to 10 influenza patients each. Each volunteer was to shake hands with each patient, to talk with him at close range, and to permit him to cough directly into his face. None of the volunteers in these experiments developed influenza. Rosenau was clearly puzzled, and he cautioned against drawing conclusions from negative results. He ended his article in JAMA with a telling acknowledgement: “We entered the outbreak with a notion that we knew the cause of the disease, and were quite sure we knew how it was transmitted from person to person. Perhaps, if we have learned anything, it is that we are not quite sure what we know about the disease.”69 (p. 313)
The research conducted at Angel Island and that continued in early 1919 in Boston broadened this research by inoculating with the Mathers streptococcus and by including a search for filter-passing agents, but it produced similar negative results.70–72 It seemed that what was acknowledged to be one of the most contagious of communicable diseases could not be transferred under experimental conditions.” www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2862332/
Challet, V.. (2006). Compoix et tensions sociales : l’exemple de Pont-Saint-Esprit (1390). In De l’estime au cadastre en Europe. Le Moyen Âge (pp. 289–305). Institut de la gestion publique et du développement économique
The 1951 Pont-Saint-Esprit mass poisoning, also known as Le Pain Maudit, was a mass poisoning on 15 August 1951, in the small town of Pont-Saint-Esprit in southern France. More than 250 people were involved, including 50 people interned in asylums and 7 deaths. A foodborne illness was suspected, and among these it was originally believed to be a case of “cursed bread”.
A majority of (possibly naive) academic sources accept naturally occurring ergot poisoning as the cause of the epidemic, while a few theorize other causes such as poisoning by mercury, mycotoxins, or nitrogen trichloride.
Cf.:
U.S. General Accounting Office Report
The U.S. General Accounting Office issued a report on September 28, 1994, which stated that between 1940 and 1974, DOD and other national security agencies studied thousands of human subjects in tests and experiments involving hazardous substances.
Citation from the study:
… Working with the CIA, the Department of Defense gave hallucinogenic drugs to thousands of “volunteer” soldiers in the 1950s and 1960s. In addition to LSD, the Army also tested quinuclidinyl benzilate, a hallucinogen code-named BZ. (Note 37) Many of these tests were conducted under the so-called MKULTRA program, established to counter perceived Soviet and Chinese advances in brainwashing techniques. Between 1953 and 1964, the program consisted of 149 projects involving drug testing and other studies on unwitting human subjects…
Background
During the Vichy government, the supply of grains from field to mill to bakery was directed by the government’s grain control board, the Office National Interprofessionnel des Céréales (ONIC), and later the Union Meuniere. Essentially, this created a government monopoly on the sale of flour, allowing the government a measure of control over wartime supply shortages. This also meant that flour would be purchased directly from ONIC, and delivered to the baker for a set price, without the baker being able to have any control on quality. Following the end of the second world war, this system was relaxed, allowing for bakers to have some choice over their flour supply. ONIC retained its monopoly on inter-departmental exportation and importation. By this system, millers in departments with more supply than demand could sell the excess to ONIC. In practice, this meant that the higher-quality flour would be delivered to local bakers and lower-quality flour would be exported to other departments. Thus, departments with net flour deficits, like the Gard department in which Pont-Saint-Esprit was located, would be supplied with lower-quality flour from other departments via ONIC, with the bakers having virtually no choice of the provenance or quality of their flour.[8]: 224-225
Previous sanitary events
In the weeks preceding the outbreak, several villages near Pont-Saint-Esprit reported outbreaks of food poisoning via bread. These outbreaks were all linked to bakeries that made their bread with most if not all of their flour supplied by the mill of Maurice Maillet, in Saint-Martin-la-Riviere. The symptoms reported were milder than those reported in Pont-Saint-Esprit.
At Issirac, at least 20 people reported cutaneous eruptions, diarrhea, vomiting and headaches. Similar symptoms were reported in Laval-Saint-Roman. Multiple families were reported sick in Goudargues and Lamotte-du-Rhone.
In Connaux, the town’s baker received reports from his clients that they believed his bread was causing violent diarrhea. He reported that his family, as well as himself, were all suffering from the same afflictions. The baker was quick to blame his flour, which he described as “bad, forming a sticky dough with acid fermentation” and which made gray and sticky bread.
In Saint-Genies-de-Comolas, the town’s mayor was alerted by one of the town’s two bakers that he received flour that was gray and full of worms. The mayor banned making bread with that flour, and referred the situation to the region’s prefect, as well as to the driver that delivered the flour.
The delivery driver, Jean Bousquet, sent the prefect a copy of a remark made to his employer, the miller’s union in Nimes, on 9 August. The note said that “almost every baker of Centre de Bagnols/Cèze has complained of the quality of the flour provided by Mr. Maillet”. Following the incident at Connaux, Bousquet requested immediate written instructions from his employer regarding the situation. On the 13th of August, he requested that samples be taken to determine if the flour was contaminated. During this period, 42 bakers complained of the flour delivered by Bousquet.
Mass poisoning
On 16 August 1951, the local offices of the town’s two doctors filled with patients reporting similar food poisoning symptoms; nausea, vomiting, cold chills, heat waves. These symptoms eventually worsened, with added hallucinatory crises and convulsions. The situation in the town deteriorated in the following days. On the night of 24 August, a man believed himself to be an aeroplane and died by jumping from a second-story window, and an 11-year-old boy tried to strangle his mother. One of the town’s two doctors would name the night nuit d’apocalypse; apocalyptic night.
Epidemiological investigation
Doctors Vieu and Gabbai investigated the epidemiology of the disease. On 19 August, they came to the conclusion that bread was to blame; all patients interrogated had purchased their bread at the Briand bakery in Pont-Saint-Esprit. In a family from a neighboring village four of whose nine members fell ill, all members who ate bread from the Briand bakery fell ill, whereas none of the others who ate bread from another bakery did. Another family shared a loaf of Briand’s bread among five of its seven members, the others preferring biscottes, with only the five falling ill.
On the morning of the 20th, the health service, the prefecture, the prosecutor of the Republic and the police were notified. Roch Briand was interrogated, and the sickness in the town was blamed on his bread.
Criminal investigation
The police investigation would eventually center on the second of three batches of bread made at Briand’s bakery on the day of 16 August. The flour composition of each batch varied, as having run out of flour during the preparation of the second batch, Briand had borrowed flour from two other local bakers, Jaussent and Fallavet. Briand’s assistant stated that when he picked up flour from Jaussent, the baker was out ill, and that he took the flour from his assistant instead.
Both Briand and his assistant agreed that the first batch was constituted of the previous day’s flour mixed with flour borrowed from Jaussent. They disagreed on the second and third batches. Whereas Briand stated that the second was made with Jaussent’s flour and the third with Fallavet’s flour, the assistant stated that both latter batches were made with a mix of the two.
The investigation led police to interrogate many of the town’s residents, who gave inconsistent ratings of Briand’s tainted batch. Some reported that the taste was perfectly normal, while others reported chemical smells (one described an odor of gasoline, another of bleach). Some reported that the bread looked normal, while others stated that its appearance was grayish.
Inquiry
On the 23rd of August, a judge of inquiry opened a formal investigation, and tasked commissaire Georges Sigaud with finding the cause of the mass poisoning event.
The tainted bread made by Briand was made with only four ingredients: flour, yeast, water and salt. All of the ingredients but the flour could be easily discounted as sources of the illness. The water used to make the bread was from a municipal source, the same that also supplied the rest of the village. Both the salt and the yeast used by Briand were sourced from the same suppliers as all other bakers in the region, and subsequent testing of the supplies found no toxicity.
The investigation of the provenance of the flour led Sigaud to the UM-Gard flour distribution centre, in Bagnols-sur-Cèze. The chief of the distribution network, Jean Bousquet, stated that since the end of July, the vast majority of the flour supplying the region was from two mills; one in Châtillon-sur-Indre, and the other being the mill of Maurice Maillet in Saint-Martin-la-Rivière, the latter of which was the subject of numerous complaints about the quality of its flour.
Maurice Maillet
In an interrogation that lasted multiple hours, Maurice Maillet denied mixing rye (which is highly susceptible to ergot) into his flour, opting instead to cut his product with 2% of bean flour. This was unusual, given that owing to a shortage of wheat, ONIC had mandated that rye flour be mixed in. However, in the Vienne department, rye of good quality was often more expensive than wheat, and accordingly, bean flour was authorised by ONIC as a replacement.[8]: 459
Despite this, it came to light that the supply of grains to be milled for export was sometimes mixed with grains milled in an informal agreement called échangisme. Under this type of agreement, often practiced at the time, a farmer would bring a baker grain he grew himself in exchange for bread that would later be made with his grain. The baker would bring the grain to the miller, who would mill it. The miller and baker would each take a cut for sale.
During the interrogation, Maillet admitted that he had made a deal with a baker, Guy Bruère, who had brought in bags to be milled. Since this was near the end of the season, the bags were filled with leftover grain that sometimes contained a high proportion of rye. The rye was not the only problem with the flour, as the miller also noted the presence of weevils, mites and dust. The baker was concerned that he would lose business should he refuse the grain on the basis of quality. Despite the miller having noticed the low quality of the grains, he agreed to exchange the grain for a lower quantity of flour already milled from grain marked for export. Given that the quantity of lower-quality grain was much lower than that of the grain for export, the miller thought that it would be possible to mix it all without reducing the overall quality of the flour.
Arrests and trial
On August 31, around 14:30, Sigaud addressed the media, announcing the arrests of Maillet and Bruère for involuntary manslaughter and involuntary injuries arising from their negligence in trading improper flour. Further arrests were made in the following days: an employee of Maillet, André Bertrand, was arrested, but released on bail as he was the head of a family of nine whose wife was about to give birth. The owners of the bakery at which Bruère was employed, Clothaire and Denise Audidier, were also arrested for infractions of fiscal legislation and of legislation governing wheat and flour.[8]: 471
Scientific publishing
Shortly after the incident, in September 1951, Dr. Gabbai and colleagues published a paper in the British Medical Journal declaring that “the outbreak of poisoning” was produced by ergot fungus.[10] The victims appeared to have one common connection. They had eaten bread from the bakery of Roch Briand, who was subsequently blamed for having used flour made from contaminated rye. Animals who had eaten the bread were also found to have perished.[10] According to reports at the time, the flour had been contaminated by the fungus Claviceps purpurea (ergot), which produces alkaloids that are structurally similar to the hallucinogenic drug lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD).
Other theories
Later investigations suggested mercury poisoning due to the use of Panogen or other fungicides to treat grain and seeds.
This type of contamination was considered owing to the presence of fluorescent stains on the outside of some used empty flour bags returned to the distributor. Panogen was sold containing a red colorant as a safety measure, to ensure that seeds coated with it would be used only for planting. Subsequent scientific tests showed that this coloring would not penetrate flour bags but that the active ingredient could do so. This would allow contamination of the flour, but it would appear to be limited to the bags. Further testing showed that if bread were to be baked using Panogen-contaminated flour, the rising of the bread could be partially or totally inhibited, depending on the concentration. This hypothesis was considered thoroughly in a French civil trial arising from the accident, with the contamination mechanism being a train wagon carrying flour that could have previously carried concentrated cylinders of Panogen intended for agricultural uses.[8] It was later discovered that pre-treating the seeds in Panogen could lead to mercury accumulation in the plants growing from those seeds. For this reason, Panogen, made by a Swedish company, was banned in Sweden in 1966. A revised version of the ban, in 1970, would prohibit the exportation of Panogen, leading to its removal from the market.
In 1982, a French researcher suggested Aspergillus fumigatus, a toxic fungus produced in grain silos, as a potential culprit.[13]
Historian Steven Kaplan’s 2008 book, Le Pain Maudit states that the poisoning might have been caused by nitrogen trichloride used to artificially (and illegally) bleach flour.
In his 2009 book, A Terrible Mistake, author and investigative journalist Hank P. Albarelli Jr claims that the Special Operations Division of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) tested the use of LSD on the population of Pont-Saint-Esprit as part of its MKNAOMI biological warfare program, in a field test called “Project SPAN”. According to Albarelli, this is based on CIA documents held in the US National Archives and a document supplied to the 1975 Rockefeller Commission that investigated CIA activities. Albarelli’s view was reported widely after the book’s publication, including by The Daily Telegraph, France 24 and BBC News. The attribution of the poisoning to the CIA in Albarelli’s book has been roundly criticized.[19] Historian Steven Kaplan, author of an earlier book about the events, said that this would be “clinically incoherent: LSD takes effects in just a few hours, whereas the inhabitants showed symptoms only after 36 hours or more. Furthermore, LSD does not cause the digestive ailments or the vegetative effects described by the townspeople.”
Operation Sea-Spray was a 1950 U.S. Navy secret biological warfare experiment in which Serratia marcescens and Bacillus globigii bacteria were sprayed over the San Francisco Bay Area in California, in order to determine how vulnerable a city like San Francisco may be to a bioweapon attack.
Starting on September 20, 1950 and continuing until September 27, the U.S. Navy released the two types of bacteria from a ship off the shore of San Francisco, believing them to be harmless to humans. Based on results from monitoring equipment at 43 locations around the city, the Army determined that San Francisco had received enough of a dose for nearly all of the city’s 800,000 residents to inhale at least 5,000 of the particles.
Senate subcommittee hearings
In 1977, the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Health and Scientific Research held a series of hearings at which the U.S. Army disclosed the existence of the tests. Army officials noted the pneumonia outbreak in their testimony but said any link to their experiments was totally coincidental. The Army pointed out that no other hospitals reported similar outbreaks and all 11 victims had urinary-tract infections following medical procedures, suggesting that the source of their infections lay inside the hospital.
Lawsuit
In 1981, Nevin’s surviving family members filed suit against the federal government, alleging negligence and responsibility for the death of Edward J. Nevin, as well as financial and emotional harm caused to Mr. Nevin’s wife from the medical costs.
The lower court ruled against them primarily because the bacteria used in the test was unproven to be responsible for Mr. Nevin’s death. The Nevin family appealed the suit all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which declined to overturn lower court judgments.
Similar biological warfare tests
In the Senate subcommittee hearings in 1977, the Army revealed:
Between 1949 and 1969, open-air tests of biological agents were conducted 239 times. In 80 of those experiments, the Army said it used live bacteria that its researchers at the time thought were harmless. In the others, it used inert chemicals to simulate bacteria.
In the 1950s, army researchers dispersed Serratia on Panama City and Key West Florida with no known illnesses resulting.
In the 1950s, army researchers dispersed zinc cadmium sulfide (now a known cancer-causing agent) over Minnesota and other Midwestern states to see how far they would spread in the atmosphere. The particles were detected more than 1,000 miles away in New York state.
Bacillus globigii, never shown to be harmful to people, was released in San Francisco, New York, Washington, D.C., and along the Pennsylvania Turnpike, among other places.
In New York, military researchers in 1966 spread Bacillus subtilis variant Niger, also believed to be harmless, in the subway system by dropping lightbulbs filled with the bacteria onto tracks in stations in midtown Manhattan. The bacteria were carried for miles throughout the subway system. Army officials concluded in a January 1968 report that: “Similar covert attacks with a pathogenic disease-causing agent during peak traffic periods could be expected to expose large numbers of people to infection and subsequent illness or death.”
In a May 1965 secret release of Bacillus globigii at Washington’s National Airport and its Greyhound Lines bus terminal, more than 130 passengers were exposed to the bacteria traveling to 39 cities in seven states in the two weeks following the mock attack.
Jim Carlton,Of Microbes and Mock Attacks: Years Ago, The Military Sprayed Germs on U.S. Cities, The Wall Street Journal. URL: www.wsj.com/articles/SB1003703226697496080
David Rockefeller addressed a Trilateral Commission meeting in 1991 with these words:
We are grateful to The Washington Post, The New York Times, Time Magazine, and other great publications, whose directors have attended our meetings and respected their promises of discretion for almost forty years. It would have been impossible for us to develop our plan for the world if we had been subject to the bright lights of publicity during those years.
(Kent 2005, p. 66)
Kent, Deirdre. 2005. Healthy Money Healthy Planet: Developing Sustainability Through New
Money Systems. Nelson, New Zealand: Craig Potton
See also
Smith, J., Karides, M., Becker, M., Brunelle, D., Chase-Dunn, C., & Della Porta, D.. (2015). Global Democracy and the World Social Forums. Global Democracy and the World Social Forums, 2nd Edition. Routledge
“The world social forum quickly became the largest political gathering in human history and continues to offer a direct challenge to the extreme inequities of corporate-led globalisation. it has expanded its presence and continues to be an exciting experiment in global and participatory democracy. the book’s contributors have participated in world social forums around the globe. recounting dozens of dramatic firsthand experiences, they draw on their knowledge of global politics to introduce the process, its foundations and relevance to ongoing transnational efforts toward democracy. this second edition of global democracy shows how the forums have developed since their inception in 2001 and how they are now connected with other global movements including occupy, the arab spring and beyond.”
Guzman-Concha, C.. (2012). Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy. International Sociology, 27(5), 661–664.
N° 2065 – Enregistré à la Présidence de l’Assemblée nationale le 26 juin 2014.
PROPOSITION DE LOI MODIFIÉE PAR LE SÉNAT, relative à la sobriété, à la transparence, à l’information et à la concertation en matière d’exposition aux ondes électromagnétiques,
The World Health Organisation (WHO) has confirmed that radiofrequency electromagnetic fields can be carcinogenic to humans (Group 2B). Wireless phone use has been linked to an increased risk for brain cancer. The National Agency Health Safety of Food, Environment and Labour (ANSES) has also recommended to limit exposure of the population to radiofrequencies – especially from mobile phones – and especially for children and heavy users.
What is even more worrying is that exposure to such radiations isn’t limited to Wi-Fi but every other gadget that you and your child love so much – cell phones, cordless phones, wireless laptops, routers, electronic devices…even electrical wiring, smart meters and phone towers! Taking a strong, proactive step to minimise damage, the French National Assembly in January 29, 2015 passed a national law to reduce exposure to wireless radiation and electromagnetic fields. While Wi-Fi and wireless devices have been completely banned in nurseries and daycare centres, their use has also been severely restricted in schools for children up to 11 years.
In fact, after this disturbing finding, even India has started taking emergency steps. The Rajasthan High Court, for instance, has directed telecom service providers to remove towers that are near schools, hospitals and play grounds. Such actions are, as PRIARTEM, France’s association for the regulation of mobile phone base stations, points out – “A first step in the legal recognition of the need to regulate the development of mobile phone communications and all wireless applications. This legislative effort must be an encouragement to go further in protecting people.”
So far, most of the possible practical applications for graphene exist only in our fantasies. A great deal of interest has been spurred by graphene’s conducting ability. Thus graphene transistors are predicted to be substantially faster than those made out of silicon today. Maybe we are on the verge of yet another miniaturization of electronics that will lead to computers becoming even more efficient in the future.
Graphene
Since graphene is practically transparent (up to nearly 98%) whilst being able to conduct electricity, it would be suitable for the production of transparent touch screens, light panels and maybe solar cells. Also plastics could be made into electronic conductors if only 1% of graphene were mixed into them. Likewise, by mixing in just a fraction of a per mille of graphene, the heat resistance of plastics would increase by 30˚ C while at the same time making them more mechanically robust. This resilience could be utilised in new super strong materials, which are also thin, elastic and lightweight.
The perfect structure of graphene also makes it suitable for the production of extremely sensitive sensors that could register pollution at molecular level.